Category: hydroponic agriculture

The census travel model can parameterize and weigh risk contribution of international travelers in various categories given there is a valid disease-associated concern. The census travel front-end allows users to run the model that best suits their needs without strong knowledge of background code and data. Risk maps have been generated for plant diseases and other human viruses . The model has been incorporated into risk-based Multi-Pest Survey programs to provide an augmentative risk factor for continued risk introduction from human-mediated disease spread. In addition, the model can be linked with survey scenario estimators to balance efforts and costs within agency constraints and among emergency programs. The underpinning for HLB control is early detection and early response, especially in Texas and California where incidence is low and Arizona where the disease has not been detected. Eventually Florida, which has been devastated by the disease, will likely replant large areas to reestablish the citrus industry. In all of these situations, the optimal control strategy is to inhibit HLB from entering and establishing in commercial plantings. Infected tree removal, to reduce inoculum in the early stage of the epidemic, remains the most effective deterrent to epidemic development. The earlier the detection of Candidatus Liberibacter asiaticus infections, especially when asymptomatic or better yet subclinical, the more efficacious infected-tree removal can be. A number of early detection technologies are being explored among which canine detection of CLas infected trees, shows considerable promise. Twenty dogs were trained for early detection via a USDA, APHIS HLB Mac grant. Using 10 dogs, each tested against 1000 trees in replicated randomized “field trials” in a gridded array with varying HLB-incidence,hydroponic gutter resulted in 99.17% overall detection accuracy. All dogs performed very well with statistically insignificant trends toward false negative or false positives.

Each dog has its own personality and interacts slightly differently depending upon the trainer-handler. However, there was no statistical difference in CLas detection by trainer-dog combination.When two or more dogs alert on the same tree, the tree statistically has a 100% probability of infection. Dogs were also capable of accurately detecting CLas-infected trees exclusively from 5-gm feeder root samples. Using 10 dogs in a time course experiment with ACP inoculated trees, dogs began to detect CLas infections within 2-3 weeks of inoculation, whereas, none of the trees became PCR-positive for CLas until three months post inoculation and the majority of CLas-infected trees required multiple months prior to PCR detection. This confirms that dogs are indeed a very early detection methodology; able to detect CLas in trees with subclinical infection, i.e., before symptom expression and considerably prior to the ability of PCR for detection/confirmation. In field trials of young and mature citrus plantations, canines trot along the rows with an average interrogation time of ~1 tree/sec, most rapid of all detection methodologies.Dogs are rewarded for detections by verbal praise and short duration play with handlers. Various deployment strategies will be discussed based on the known spatio temporal distribution of CLas infected trees. Using canines to detect HLB in citrus has shown extreme promise in the research environment. Tests on different aged infections, different cultivars, roots, and infections from both grafting and psyllids have all shown the dogs abilities to detect and differentiate an HLB infected tree from clean trees at accuracies exceeding 99%. The next logical step is the introduction of the canines to “real world” environments, i.e., commercial citrus plantings and residential or “dooryard” trees to determine if detection accuracy continued. The dogs were introduced to a young grove in Florida first, and trained over the course of several months. However, due to the high incidence of infection in Florida, finding a suitable low disease incidence training area for dogs in a mature grove is almost impossible. The dogs were therefore taken to other states, especially Texas, for training and testing.

This also allowed the dogs to work in different environments, different grove management practices, and different citrus species. Another aspect of early canine detection is the use of the dogs in residential environments. Again, using other states for a test bed, the dogs were run through various types of residential areas, including residential neighborhoods, mobile home parks, and even a Buddhist monastery. The dogs showed the adaptability to successfully work in these exceedingly diverse and sometimes environmentally hostile environments. Specificity includes the ability of dogs to accurately discriminate between Candidatus Liberibacter asiaticus infections and infections by other pathogens or extraneous scent profiles. To accomplish this, a group of the dogs were taken to Beltsville, Maryland and tested against trees held in the international pathogen collection composed of a number of different viral and bacterial citrus pathogen accessions from around the world. The canines consistently differentiated CLas-infected trees and did not alert on trees infected with other pathogens. One unique finding was that dogs trained on CLas were also intrinsically capable of detecting Liberibacter africancus and Liberibacter americanus infected trees as well, without additional sensitization or training. Asian citrus psyllid continues to spread in California both by natural means and human-assisted means. In areas of the state where the psyllid is well established, such as Southern California, growers are applying coordinated insecticide treatments to reduce populations. In these regions, urban areas receive parasitoid releases to establish Tamarixia radiata and Diaphorencyrtus aligarhensis. Insecticide treatments are only applied to residential citrus trees within 400 meters of commercial citrus. Studies are underway to determine the efficacy of these treatments and to improve the areawide programs in various regions of the state. In regions of the state where the psyllid is not well established, eradicative treatments of pyrethroids and neonicotinoids are applied to both commercial and residential sites around trap finds. These finds have a high correlation with traffic corridors, packinghouses and juice plants, indicating that humans are assisting psyllid spread by moving infested bulk citrus, equipment and plant material. Industry-led changes in how the commodity is handled are expected to reduce the impact of human assisted psyllid spread. Control of psyllid movement around the state is critical to prevent spread of huanglongbing. Early symptoms of HLB include fibrous root loss and leaf blotchy mottle, followed by premature fruit and leaf drop, and yield decline.

As a consequence of initial bacterial infection of fibrous roots, a 30-50% reduction in fibrous root density and elevated soil Phytophthora populations were detected in field surveys. Continued sampling of Hamlin and Valencia orange trees on Swingle citrumelo root stock in different stages of HLB decline revealed that root loss occurs in two stages. The second phase of root loss begins at the early stage of tree canopy thinning resulting from leaf drop and branch dieback. A more extensive survey of HLB-affected groves indicated that greater decline in fibrous root health and expression of HLB symptoms is observed where irrigation water is high in bicarbonates and/or soil pH > 6.5. HLB symptom expression of trees on different root stocks follows the known intolerance to bicarbonate . Acidification of irrigation water in central ridge and south central flat woods Valencia orange groves on Swingle citrumelo root stock for three seasons has maintained soil pH below 6.5 on the flatwoods and 6.0 on ridge. Over the last three seasons of survey, root density as an index of root heath has been sustained. Phytophthora populations remain below the damaging level in ridge groves and in flat woods increase to damaging levels coincident with the fall root flush but drop back to non-damaging levels for remainder of the season. Compared to the 2013-14 season,hydroponic nft channel yields in the ridge blocks have increased up to 4% and on the flat woods have increased up to 22%. Growers using acidification treatments with sulfuric and/or N-phuric acid for the last 3 seasons report an average cost of $60 per acre. This cost will analyzed in relation to yield response to provide a cost benefit of acidification.Our field and greenhouse data shows that secondary and micro-nutrient deficiencies are much greater in roots than in leaves of HLB-impacted trees. Not only is there severe feeder root loss, but the ability of the remaining roots to mine and translocate essential nutrients is compromised. Restoring root health is imperative for keeping trees productive in an HLB endemic environment. In an effort to improve tree health by focusing on the roots, we have been experimenting with polymer coated nutrients and more recently TigerSul micronutrients in the field and greenhouse. In a previous greenhouse study, HLB-infected Valencia sweet orange on UFR-3 root stock showed greater feeder root growth when grown with Harrell’s CRF supplemented with a 3x overdose of TigerSul manganese, or the Schumann blend of TigerSul manganese, iron and zinc . Results suggested that trees in the HLB world have higher specific micronutrient requirements than what are currently being recommended. PCR testing of the greenhouse trees suggested that an overdose of boron could suppress the bacterial titer in the midribs, whereas an overdose of manganese could suppress the bacterial titer in the roots. Several experiments are ongoing in the field to test hypotheses developed from the above information. We define ‘hybrid’ nutrition programs as any program that combines multiple sources of nutrient delivery with a goal of providing a constant supply of all required nutrients year round at an affordable cost. Successful field experiments with industry cooperators to be discussed include the St. Helena Project, where we are testing 100% CRF; and the Post Office Block, where we are testing a 50% CRF/50% traditional dry fertilizer program with micronutrient overdoses. Other successful ‘hybrid’ programs successfully developed by citrus growers will also be presented, including the Ed English program and the Duda program. Data from these trials will demonstrate that enhanced ground nutrition can restore health and sustainable profitable production to HLB-infected trees. Additional fine-tuning of fertilizer composition, type and delivery method could result in less need for psyllid control and thus lower production costs.

Genetic variability for HLB tolerance/resistance has been identified in existing experimental root stock germplasm planted throughout Florida, with both sweet orange and grapefruit scions. New root stocks are being identified in these trials that show a reduced infection frequency, and less severe symptoms once infected, as compared to commercial root stocks. Such root stocks are also showing a stronger recovery following infection in commercial trials. This information suggests that it should be possible to substantially increase the level of tolerance by conventional breeding at both the diploid and tetraploid levels, with focus on direct selection for HLB tolerance in progeny from carefully selected parental combinations. For the past 5 years, we have developed and utilized our ‘Gauntlet’ screening program described below. Each year, crosses of superior parents are made at both the diploid and tetraploid levels. Following a preliminary calcareous soil/Phytophthora screen, selected individual hybrid root stock candidates are transferred to citripots in commercial potting soil. Tops of these trees are propagated by rooted cuttings to produce seed trees on their own roots. The remaining individual liners are grafted with HLB-infected budsticks of Valencia sweet orange. The remaining root stock top is then removed, forcing flush from the HLB- infected Valencia bud stick. Trees are monitored for HLB symptoms, and healthy appearing trees are entered into a ‘hot psyllid’ house until psyllid feeding damage is observed on their leaves , followed by field planting at a challenging field site . Root stocks capable of growing off healthy sweet orange trees are identified for further study. To date, several thousand individual hybrids have been screened. The oldest ‘Gauntlet’ trees have now been in the field for approximately 4 years, and several promising new root stocks have been identified. Although PCR+, individual trees appear to have a reduced bacterial titer and are showing normal healthy growth and fruiting patterns. Seed trees of two of the most promising selections are producing abundant polyembryonic seed, and propagations for large-scale field trials are underway. Patterns are emerging regarding successful genetic combinations, and this will be discussed. Our goal is to develop root stocks that will facilitate sustainable and profitable citriculture in an HLB-endemic Florida, and possibly eliminate the need for psyllid control. Antibodies form the basis for various assays designed to detect plant pathogens in many pathosystems, but until recently have not been available to detect ‘Ca. Liberibacter asiaticus’ .

The oxygen output streams indicated in Figures 1 and 2 represent net oxygen production by the plants due to photosynthesis. However, oxygen production was not included as part of the model since it does not impact the economics of the process. Figure 3 shows the downstream processes for recovery and purification of the rBuChE, which was modeled after the rBuChE lab purification scheme from vacuum infiltrated N. benthamiana described by Hayward and the purification methods described by Lockridge et al.. Major operations include plant harvesting, shredding, screw press/disintegration, ammonium sulfate precipitation, centrifugation, tangential flow microfiltration, tangential flow ultrafiltration, ion exchange chromatography, affinity chromatography, and diafiltration.Table 3 shows the total capital investment and annual operating costs for the plant-made rBuChE facility at an expression level of 500 mg/kg FW plant biomass . The annual operating costs are shown with and without facility dependent costs to simulate a new facility and use of an existing facility, respectively. Table 4 shows the resulting rBuChE cost per dose for both cases. Table 3 shows the breakdown of the capital investment and operating costs for the plant-made rBuChE and indicates that the unit production costs are estimated to be about $234/dose if facility dependent costs are not included in the annual operating costs or about $474/dose if these costs are included. Most of the capital cost and a significant portion of the operating costs are associated with the recovery and purification of rBuChE. Our base case assumed rBuChE expression of 500 mg/kg FW because that is a target expression level in ongoing research at several institutions. If a currently achievable level of 100 mg/kg FW is used instead , the costs increase to $1,210/dose and $430/dose when including and excluding facility dependent costs, respectively.

In any scenario examined,growing lettuce hydroponically the production costs in plants are significantly lower than the estimated production costs for blood-derived BuChE . We recognize that additional modification or formulation of the plant-produced enzyme might be necessary or desirable prior to adoption for human use and that such additional modifications would increase the cost of the AI. For example, Geyer et al.reported improved pharmacokinetics of PEGylated plant-produced BuChE relative to the non-modified enzyme. However, because consensus on the preferred options for modification has not yet been reached, we omitted these additional steps from our calculations.The following premises and assumptions were used for evaluation of cellulase bio-manufacturing in open fields. Due to the fact that this process is specialized and due to the scale and input requirements of a modern bio-fuels operation, our analysis included the construction of a new, dedicated manufacturing facility to provide the required cellulase enzymes for a large scale cellulosic ethanol facility . Figure 4 shows the process operations required for cellulase enzyme production on a per-batch basis. The flow sheet on the top shows the blending tank needed for preparation of the ethanol induction solution to be applied in the field, and the flow sheet on the bottom shows the transport and storage operations following harvest of the transgenic tobacco.Table 6 shows the total capital investment and annual operating costs for the production of 2.87 million kg of cellulase enzymes per year at an expression level of 4 g cellulase/kg FW tobacco biomass and a plant density of 130 metric tons of biomass per hectare per year. The table also indicates the corresponding costs obtained from the JBEI model for fungal fermentation-based production of approximately the same amount of cellulase enzymes per year . For the base case study, the plant-based system results in a >30% reduction in unit production costs for the cellulases as well as an 85% reduction in the required capital investment. For the plant-based cellulase production system, the major contributors to the unit production cost were the costs associated with tobacco cultivation , the costs associated with ethanol spraying , followed by the costs associated with ethanol dilution, transporting and storage , and seed costs.

The differences in total capital investment and annual operating costs for the two cellulase production platforms are not surprising, since the fungal fermentation area alone requires twelve 288,000-L fermenters along with the seed train necessary to provide the inoculum for the production fermenters. The differences between the two systems would be expected to be even larger if the total capital investment included additional factors for associated piping, instrumentation, insulation, electrical facilities, buildings, yard improvements, and auxiliary facilities because these would be reflected in the facility dependent component of the annual production costs. Figure 5 shows the effect of biomass density on the unit production costs for cellulase enzyme using the ethanolinduced tobacco system and indicates, as expected, that the cost of goods decreases as tobacco biomass density increases. In agronomic studies with field-seeded tobacco cultivated at high density, biomass yields exceeding 150 mt/ha have been achieved; higher field densities may be possible with selected varieties and specialized agronomic practices.Comparison of responses of Cleopatra with the more tolerant root stock cultivar Carrizo citrange showed a similar down regulation for several pathways at 12 mai, most notably pathways associated with arginine and proline metabolism, galactose metabolism, and propanoate metabolism. The similarity of metabolic responses of Cleopatra and Carrizo is surprising, but may be associated with the foliar disease symptoms which were similar in manifestation in both cultivars at this stage of infection. It is important to note that except for galactose metabolism, other pathways of carbohydrate metabolism as well as TCA cycle reactions were not affected in Carrizo, which may explain the better performance of this root stock cultivar under HLB pressure. In contrast, the tolerant root stocks US-897 and US-942 which did not show any disease symptoms at 12 mai responded to infection by changes in the amounts of only three metabolites. This suggests that different and root stock specific mechanisms are associated with tolerant responses to HLB. Due to concern for pollinating bees in citrus trees in the spring, spraying for psyllid control with harsher, but often more effective pesticides is suspended from when 5 to 10 % of the citrus flowers are open until 95 % petal fall is reached. After use of dormant sprays at least one spray on emerging flush is desired before bee-friendly sprays are applied during the ‘flowering period’. Data was not available for how long a period existed from various stages of vegetative growth until 5 to 10 % open flowers is reached. Hamlin, Valencia,

Sunburst and Murcott blocks were monitored during the 2015, 2016 and 2017 bloom periods to determine vegetative bud break, leaf feather stage and unfolded leaves as well as pinhead, popcorn, open and petal fall stages of flowering. In the first two years the average time period from bud break to 10 % open flowers was 39 and 45 days, respectively, and the days from 10 % leaf feathers until 10 % open flowers was 26 and 20 days. Round oranges and mandarins differed in time from bud break to full bloom in 2015, 72 versus 57 days, but were similar in 2016, 57 and 56 days. Petal fall occurred 8 to 20 days after full bloom. Weather data will be evaluated to determine if any differences in time for vegetative development between the three years was due to daily temperatures, similar to the temperature response for flower development. More details including 2017 data will be discussed,4x8ft rolling benches particularly as pertaining to the best time to apply the first vegetative spray before the 10 % open flower stage is reached.This is most pronounced in early- to mid-winter under Florida conditions and has consistently occurred over the last four years. This flowering reduces the available buds for normal spring flowering and probably contributes to carry over of fungal inoculum for post bloom fruit drop . The role of fall tree water stress on the induction of this off-season flowering, and the association of this tree water stress with debilitation from HLB will be discussed. Huang long bing is a devastating bacterial disease of citrus and has been detected in most citrus producing areas worldwide. However, genetic sources of resistance/tolerance to this disease are extremely limited and little information is known about the inheritance of HLB tolerance. Several F1 populations derived from crosses between an advanced breeding selection and commercial germplasm are being evaluated under high HLB disease pressure conditions in Fort Pierce and Gainesville, Florida. Pedigree analysis of this trait originating from Poncirus trifoliata fits a Mendelian dominant inheritance pattern. These populations present an opportunity for identifying loci controlling HLB tolerance in citrus. Genetic variability in insect vectors can be a valuable tool to study vector competence determinants and to select or establish non-vector populations that may help reduce the spread of vector-borne pathogens. We collected and tested more than 20 isofemale lines of Asian citrus psyllid Diaphorina citri, vector of Candidatus Liberibacter asiaticus . CLas is the bacterial pathogen associated with huanglongbing, which is the most serious citrus disease worldwide. Individual ACP adult males and females were collected from Murraya plants in various parts of Florida and reared in pairs. After mating, females laid eggs on Murraya plants before being tested for CLas by qPCR. Nymphal progeny from non-infected parents were tested for CLas acquisition from infected citrus plants for three successive generations. So far, we identified one line as a ‘good acquirer’ with 26.8-48.6 % of CLas+ adults. We also identified several poor acquirer lines with 0-10.2 % CLas+ adults. The ‘good’ and ‘poor’ acquisition phenotypes were stable over the three successive generations, showing that variation in CLas acquisition has a genetic basis in the psyllid. ‘Good’ and ‘poor’ acquirer lines were selected and further tested for CLas transmission into healthy citrus, using our excised leaf assay method . Interestingly, CLas transmission assays indicated that Laurel 8 is also a good vector line and Laurel 16 is a poor vector line , which suggests that both acquisition and transmission of CLas are correlated at least in these ACP populations.

We are continuing these tests and studying the genetic composition of both good and poor vector lines using molecular biology methods to study vector competence determinants of CLas in ACP that could be valuable in developing new tools for combating this devastating citrus disease. As sequencing technologies rapidly advance, the successful application of other cutting edge molecular technologies has become increasingly reliant upon the availability of a complete and accurate genome sequence. In an effort to verify the accuracy of the Las bacterial genome while not being subject to the identical limitations encountered with the original sequencing method, a BAC library was constructed from the DNA of Asian citrus psyllids collected from Huanglongbing-affected citrus. Of the 61,440 clones contained within the BAC library, 27 clones specific for Candidatus Liberibacter asiaticus were sequenced in their entirety and used to reconstruct the genome. During the reassembly, a novel ~8.3 kb DNA fragment containing 9 putative ORFs was revealed. Although smaller segments of the 8.3 kb fragment were found dispersed amongst the other sequenced Liberibacter strains, 2 of the putative proteins did not share any homology with any previously identified Las protein. Moreover, 1 of these proteins is not homologous to any protein currently in the NCBI database. Further examination regarding the fragment demonstrated that it was absent in 20% of the Las-infected citrus samples and 5% of the Las-infected ACP samples collected from across the state of Florida, suggesting it is functionally important in the life cycle of the bacterium although not required for survival since the entire 8.3 kb fragment was absent in the genomic DNA used to sequence Ca. L. asiaticus strain psy62. Taken together, the data suggest that the fragment is involved in the generation of a heterogeneous population and may contribute to the virulence of the bacteria through a type of phase variation. It also demonstrates the plasticity of the Las genome and provides a possible marker for monitoring genetic shift in the bacterium.Huanglongbing -affected oranges are typically green or yellow in color, rather than orange, and the latter is more common in the Florida citrus groves. The yellow color is often associated with insufficient accumulation of carotenoids in the flavedo, lack of natural shine, and shriveled peel . The green color is an indicator of maturity due to HLB-associated phloem malfunction and resulting retarded growth and development of the fruit.

The Alameda County Public Health Department found that West Oakland adults are five times more likely to be hospitalized for diabetes, three times more likely to die of stroke, and two times more likely to be hospitalized for and to die of heart disease and cancer . Also similar to Bayview, West Oakland has been the focus of numerous revitalization efforts during the past decade. Plans are underway for the redevelopment of the Oakland Army Base, commercial revitalization along West Oakland’s historic main street, Seventh Street, and the development of artists lofts, condominiums, and affordable housing. Over the next decade, local planners and developers expect that West Oakland will be home to 6,000 new housing units, 200,000 square feet of neighborhood retail, 400,000 square feet of destination retail, and improved transit if plans progress as expected . Like Bayview, recent revitalization efforts have been received equally with enthusiasm and caution. Some argue that new housing has been prohibitively priced, perpetuating gentrification in the neighborhood . This dissertation uses an in depth, comparative case study approach to explore grocery store planning processes. In line with Yin’s criteria for case studies, this dissertation is focused on understanding processes over time and contemporary events where individual and organization behaviors cannot be manipulated .In some ways, this study could be understood as a comparison of two extreme cases—one top down, government-led process and a bottom-up activist driven process . Although one of these cases could be explored as a revelatory or critical case, this comparison of two extreme cases allows for a richer analysis of the factors that might explain their variation . While I am exploring Fresh and Easy and Mandela Foods as illustrative rather than representative cases, my analysis aims to draw out important lessons that might be generalizable to other contexts. As further discussed in the next section,hydroponic grow systems an important aspect of this comparative case study was “tracing and delineating a coherent story but keeping multiple voices .” Because my case studies involve past planning processes, I triangulated across multiple primary and secondary data sources. First, I relied heavily on a number of archival sources to tell the stories of both stores from multiple vantage points. This includes: 1) neighborhood and general plans, 2) neighborhood studies, 3) city council and government agency meeting minutes, 4) videos of public meetings and hearings relevant to both cases, 5) local and national newspaper articles, 6) press releases, and 7) websites and internet sources.

I supplemented these data with fifteen key informant interviews with urban grocery experts as well as government staff, community leaders, and residents associated with Fresh and Easy and Mandela Foods. Urban grocery retail experts were asked about national advocacy efforts around the Healthy Food Financing Initiative and the roles of Fresh and Easy and Mandela Foods. Government staff and community leaders were asked about their involvement with the Fresh and Easy and Mandela Foods projects and various facts about the planning processes, financing plans, and interactions between key actors. Residents were asked about their impressions of both stores.In many ways, the First Lady’s statement is not unique. As vital centers for everyday food and household shopping, grocery stores are cornerstones of neighborhood commercial districts. Therefore, it is perhaps no surprise that the phenomenon of food deserts has seized the attention of policymakers, politicians, and planners in recent years. In this chapter, I situate Fresh and Easy and Mandela Foods in a national policy context by tracing the rise of grocery stores as an urban policy and planning concern. Through a historical review and policy analysis, I find that the federal Healthy Food Financing Initiative reflects normative ideals about urban grocery stores as well as a long history of government interventions and private investment in urban poverty alleviation. At the same time, grocery stores are now part of this shifting federal policy context, where childhood obesity and health disparities are driving local decisions about community reinvestment. As I will discuss further in Chapters 4 and 5, this has implications for grocery development and tools, techniques, and governance patterns of urban revitalization more broadly. First, I show how the current rhetoric around urban grocery stores reflects longstanding normative ideals about the role of food markets in cities. Whether the Greek agora, the “Garden City,” or the neo-traditional neighborhood, food markets became the lifeblood of cities, neighborhoods, and their residents. Second, I show how current federal food access programs trace back to a long history of federal urban poverty programs beginning with the War on Poverty to the Clinton-era federal neighborhood revitalization policies. Community Development Corporations would play a vital role in early experiments in urban grocery development in line with the logic of Michael Porter’s classic campaign for “inner city revitalization.”

Growing evidence of the “urban retail gap” would cast grocery stores as a priority retail development in underserved urban neighborhoods— albeit with mixed outcomes. Third, I discuss how despite the shortcomings of these efforts, public health concerns placed grocery stores back on an urban policy and planning agenda. The community food security movement and growing body of ‘food desert research’ redefined the goals of grocery store development in line with the current Healthy Food Financing Initiative. Finally, I discuss the current context of federal food access policies and neighborhood revitalization, which represents a convergence of previously disparate neighborhood revitalization and public health agendas around grocery stores. The catalyst would become Michelle Obama’s Let’s Move childhood obesity campaign, which shifted national policy discourses around place-based determinants of health. This further elevated the status of grocery stores as a centerpiece of national public health and neighborhood revitalization goals. Be it the agora of Ancient Greece and or the forum of Ancient Rome, the marketplace was the center of social, economic and political life . With the industrialization of cities, central public markets became hubs for the sales of goods. Utopian visions of the city emphasized the role of the marketplace as an organizing element of cities and neighborhoods. For example, for 19th century British town planner, Ebenezer Howard, the “garden city” comprised variety of residential areas connected by rail and accessible to recreational green space, places of work, and basic retail services. Garden cities would be organized along swaths of central green space and the “Crystal Palace” where, “manufactured goods are exposed for sale, and here most of that class of shopping which requires the job of deliberation and selection is done .” Early 20th century urban planner/sociologist Clarence Perry saw a similar role for the marketplace in his vision of the “Neighborhood Unit.” As such, neighborhoods would consist of communities of 5000 to 6000 residents centered around schools and bound by basic commercial facilities on the periphery . Recalling pre-World War I urban neighborhoods, Perry’s concept emphasized physical accessibility and walk ability to institutions that supported the social fabric of neighborhoods, namely schools, churches, and marketplaces. While both the Garden City and Neighborhood Unit concepts would be criticized for prioritizing urban design over the social and economic organization of cities, they articulated particular ideals of neighborhood that maintained in 20th century planning practice. For example, despite being a staunch critic of top-down urban planning and the Garden City concept, Jane Jacobs captured elements of utopian planning ideals in her observations of the livable, mixed-use communities in New York, Boston, and Pittsburgh. Neo-traditional planning of the 1980s and 1990s, captured elements of Jane Jacobs’ vision of the ideal urban neighborhood as a solution to suburban sprawl,vertical grow table wherein cities were designed to be pedestrian-friendly and well serviced with amenities.

For New Urbanist planners, accessible grocery stores contribute to a “balanced mixed of activities-dwelling, shopping, working, and schooling” .For Peter Calthorpe and a related cohort of Transit-Oriented-Development planners, transit stops serve as hubs of dense mixed-use development. Regionally, TODs were to be distributed one-mile apart, a designation determined based on the “market area specifically to support a grocery store within a neighborhood retail center” . Since the late 1980s and early 1990s, New Urbanism, TOD, and related neo-traditional planning principles have been applied to the design of entirely new communities and for the enhancement of existing areas . Initially, New Urbanism was envisioned as a strategy to combat auto-centric, suburban greenfield development. And yet by the early 1990s, neo-traditional planning principles would explicitly inform the Clinton-era HOPE VI housing revitalization program and municipal form based codes, further elevating the role of urban design in land use planning . Overall, normative planning paradigms—be it the Garden City, Neighborhood Unit, New Urbanism and/or TOD—all considered grocery stores among neighborhood amenities essential to the creation of livable, walkable community. As such, grocery stores completed a certain vision of the ideal neighborhood, where the necessities of daily life could be readily accessible. Grocery stores entered more explicitly into urban agendas with the rise of federal urban policies and local institutional practices that developed in response to postwar urban decline. In the 1960s, controversial Urban Renewal plans, rampant social movements around civil rights and economic justice swept cities across the nation. Then President Lyndon Johnson instated a series of programs focused on workforce development or as put by Halpern , “enhancing opportunity and preparing poor children, youth, and to a lesser extent adults to take advantage of opportunities .” Through the enactment of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, the Office of Economic Opportunity funded “Community Action Agencies” primarily for the provision of social services spanning workforce development, early childhood education, and youth services—all considered “people-based” social services. In 1966, then Senator Robert F. Kennedy and Jacob Javits introduced an amendment to the Act, the Special Impact Program, to expand the scope of the War on Poverty to encompass economic development activities that addressed the focused on “place-based” neighborhood concerns. Prior to the instatement of this amendment, non-profit organizations and Settlement Houses dating back to the turn of the century pursued “place-based” revitalization activities spanning housing rehabilitation, infrastructure development, and small business incubation. Chicago’s Woodlawn Organization was among these early CDCs, which primarily focused on business and workforce development and significantly, the development of neighborhood grocery stores among other resident-led businesses . The Special Impact Program further expanded these activities, now reorienting federal monies specifically towards the creation of CDCs. The first of 39 CDCs included Brooklyn-based Bedford Stuyvesant Restoration Corporation and Cleveland-based Hough Development Corporation. Both organizations pursued housing assistance, rehabilitation, the provision of business loans for new enterprises, and the development of larger scale projects such as supermarket-anchored shopping center . By the late 1960s and early 1970s, the dismantling of OEO by the Nixon administration, as well as the mixed successes of commercial pursuits reoriented the focus of federally-funded CDCs from economic development to housing and social services primarily . Early evaluations found that despite growing numbers of CDCs nationally, they had limited successes with economic and business incubation strategies . This contributed to the dwindling of CDC funding, but instead, the creation of intermediary organizations who would serve as fiscal agents of federal CDC funds—namely Community Development Financial Institutions such as the national network of Local Initiatives Support Coalition . During the mid 1970s to early 1980s, more established CDCs such as BSRC continued to pursue supermarket-anchored shopping centers even as the large majority of CDCs shifted their focus to housing rehabilitation and social services. In the late 1970s and 1980s, cities across the U.S. experienced deindustrialization and as a result, unprecedented levels of unemployment, urban population decline, and mounting economic segregation. CDCs persisted during this time, even experiencing a net growth by the mid to late 1980s. On the heels of Bill Clinton’s election into office in 1992, grocery stores entered more squarely into neighborhood revitalization practice as a new administration sought new solutions to the old problem of urban poverty. The impacts of urban decline were well known but it was only in the early 1990s, that phenomenon of “supermarket redlining” and the resulting “grocery gap” commanded a national audience. In February 1992, amidst growing concerns about the economic conditions of urban areas across the nation, the U.S. Conference of Mayors issued a report examining urban retail gaps. Through a national survey of supermarket trends, the report revealed that the number of supermarkets in eight major cities experienced a net decrease in a phenomenon they described as “supermarket redlining” . That said, the mass exodus of supermarkets from urban areas well established in previous research.

However, at high substitution rates, substrate properties conducive to plant growth may be compromised. In particular, the high pH of many BCs could result in BC-substituted substrates with pH values unfavorable to plant growth. For example, pelleted wood BC substitution for peat required adjustment of pH due to the liming effect of the BC . The neutral to alkaline pH of BCs and their liming potential means that BC substitution for peat can increase pH beyond optimum for plant growth in potting media . Explicit evaluation of BC effects on substrate pH and plant performance provides a basis to improve design of BC-based substrates and inform trade-offs in this application of BC . The objective of this study was to determine the effects of BC substitution for peat and substrate pH on greenhouse production, using marigold as a model crop. In the United States, the wholesale value of marigolds plants was 30.3 million USD in 2015 . Softwood BC was substituted for peat in a typical 70:30 peat:perlite mixture at 10%v increments. Since many BCs are alkaline and will increase pH of substrates in proportion to the degree of substitution, the effect of adjusting pH of substrates to typical soil free substrate values was also evaluated. We hypothesized that under greenhouse conditions , marigold germination and growth would be more sensitive to BC substitution at higher rates and that this would be due to elevated substrate pH. Additionally, we hypothesized that pH adjustment of BC substrates would increase the extent to which this softwood BC could be substituted for peat without compromising plant growth.Multiple measurements of plant growth were evaluated in order to comprehensively assess the potential of BC as an alternative to peat in soil-free substrates . Germination rates were determined by daily counts for the first 10 days following sowing, after which seedlings were thinned to 1 per pot. Seedlings were transplanted into pots that had zero germination. Replacement seedlings were used from substrates with equivalent %BC but no pH adjustment and were the same age as seedlings in the experimental trial. Weekly measurements over 9 weeks were taken for plant height and for relative chlorophyll content as leaf greenness using a SPAD 502 Plus Chlorophyll Meter . SPAD meters measure the difference between red light and infrared light absorbance, and for a given species and cultivar under the same growing conditions SPAD values can be used as an indicator of relative chlorophyll content . To ensure accurate measurement of new leaf tissue,vertical farming in shipping container four separate points were consistently measured on the second fully extended leaf from the top of the plant . SPAD measurements were taken between the tip and apex of the leaf to better reflect chlorophyll content and reduce measurement variability . At early stage flowering in week 9 , above-ground biomass was harvested.

Fresh and dry biomass was measured individually for shoots, flowers, and buds. Total N was determined separately for non-flowering and flowering biomass by dry combustion using an elemental analyzer .Analyses of variance was used to analyze differences among the treatments for plant growth and substrate properties. Assumptions of normality and homoscedasticity of residuals were tested with the Shapiro-Wilk and Levene tests, respectively, using SAS Version 9.4 . Data were transformed when possible to meet these assumptions, including log transformation , square root transformation and Poisson transformation for variables with zero values . ANOVA was first performed using an exploratory model to test for potential interactions of substrate and pH adjustment for each response variable. If there was no interaction, simple mean differences of response variables were evaluated. If there was a significant interaction of BC substitution and pH adjustment, effects were analyzed separately for each factor. If transformations were not successful, non-parametric analysis was performed with JMP Version 11 using a Welch ANOVA, and significant differences in means for BC substitution treatments relative to the non-substituted control were evaluated using the Steel test. Relationships among post-harvest substrate properties were explored using linear correlation analysis with PROC CORR in SAS v9.4.By evaluating an alkaline BC at high volumetric rates in soil-free substrates, this study addresses a potential obstacle to the feasibility of BC-based substrates for plant production . The present data demonstrate that substituting a softwood BC with strongly alkaline pH for peat at high rates in soil-free substrates does not require pH adjustment under common greenhouse conditions because germination, shoot biomass and N content, and flowering of marigold did not significantly differ between substrates with and without initial adjustment to pH 5.8. BC substitution may even improve plant growth, as marigold plants with intermediate BC substitution exhibited higher relative chlorophyll content relative to 0% BC . These results are in mixed support of the stated hypothesis because BC substitution and pH adjustment effects on marigold depended on the stage of growth. As hypothesized, increasing BC substitution decreased plant height and chlorophyll content in the early stages of marigold growth. Though pH adjustment of BC substrates negatively affected germination and height, this may have been due to phytotoxicity of PLA used to decrease pH of high %BC substrates. By week 9, plant growth was similar regardless of BC substitution and initial pH adjustment, failing to support the hypotheses that high BC substitution rates would impair plant growth and that this would be alleviated by pH adjustment. However, since fertigation provided excess nutrients, pH was likely less important for nutrient availability.

Equivalent and slightly positive effects of BC substitution at high rates and without pH adjustment can be partially attributed to the convergence of pH over 9 weeks of fertigation and plant growth to pH 4.4–7.4. As this high-temperature softwood BC has a higher pH than most BCs and was used at high substitution rates , it represents a ‘worst-case scenario’ liming effect. BCs produced from other feed stocks and/or at lower temperatures may not have as pronounced liming effects. Decreases in substrate pH over time could reflect a number of processes: a residual liming effect of BC, which could also account for the slight upward pH drift of substrates initially corrected to pH 5.8; nitrification; rhizosphere acidification due to cation uptake. Though downward pH drift in peat-based substrates initially limed to a circumneutral pH has been found to be inverse to the base saturation of peat , the 0% BC substrates initially limed to pH 5.8 in this study did not exhibit significant pH changes.The availability and plant uptake of N may be impacted by substrate pH, as indicated by extractable inorganic N, relative differences in chlorophyll content, and above-ground plant N. This may explain initial decreased plant height and relative chlorophyll content in high BC substrates with high initial pH . Foliar chlorosis in ornamental plants,vertical grow racks including marigold, grown in high pH substrates has been induced by liming in peat substrates and could reflect non-N deficiencies such as iron and manganese . Similar above-ground biomass and total N despite greater relative chlorophyll content in high BC substrates by week 9 indicates that initial differences in chlorophyll content by BC substitution did not persist and that initial greater chlorophyll content for marigold in high BC substrates did not necessarily translate to greater biomass and N uptake. A lack of N deficiency under conditions of fertigation is further evidenced by overall high concentrations of available N in substrates at week 9 and by the absence of correlation between available N with marigold above-ground biomass and N content. Elevated chlorophyll content with BC substitution may therefore reflect enhanced plant access to non-N nutrients. Available N was inverse to SPAD values in week 9 and did not reflect similar above-ground plant N concentrations. The disparity between marked differences in substrate N availability under conditions of fertigation yet similar above-ground biomass N content could be explained by pH-dependent gaseous losses of N in pH unadjusted substrates and/or differences in extractability influenced by pH-dependent binding. That extractable inorganic P did not differ as much as inorganic N across pH gradient of pH unadjusted substrates could indicate similar anion exchange capacity of substrates. High available N and P in substrates challenges the hypothesis that BC substitution can influence marigold growth by affecting availability of nutrients added by fertigation. For example, post-harvest available P was positively correlated with marigold biomass but was two orders of magnitude higher than thresholds of deficiency . Though high C:N substrates such as peat can entail sufficient N immobilization so as to compromise plant growth , N fertilization as in this study would be expected to rapidly alleviate N deficiency. This time-dependent effect may have manifested as lower chlorophyll content in high BC substrates in week 1 but not week 9.

Similarly, N fertilization alleviated slightly lower biomass accumulation of marigolds grown in pine wood-based substrates compared to peat . Though the experimental design of this study removed water and nutrient limitations by daily fertigation, the present findings indicate a potential benefit of BC for water availability in soil-free substrates. The increase in WHC with BC substitution that peaked at 30% BC supports this hypothesized benefit of BC at high rates for soil-free substrates , as well as in inorganic matrices like soils .Marigold germination and growth response to BC substitution in pH adjusted substrates was likely due to the use of pyroligneous acid to decrease pH. An increasing amount of PLA was applied to reduce increasingly elevated pH at high rates of the alkaline BC used. Since pH adjusted substrates had the same target pH , the difference can be attributed to a non-pH effect of the almond shell PLA used in this study. PLAs are a complex mixture of organic compounds of varying biological and phytological activity, including toxicity. These include organic acids , phenols, ketones phenyl ethers, and furan and pyran derivatives . The survival and equivalent growth of marigold seedlings transplanted into pH adjusted substrates with no seed germination suggests greater sensitivity of seeds than seedlings to PLA effects and is consistent with previous findings of PLA inhibition of germination . Parallel in vitro experiments , revealed full inhibition of marigold and lettuce germination at PLA ≥ 2.50% and ≥ 1.25% , respectively, though a similiar response occurred for acetic acid, a major PLA component at the same concentration. Studies indicate mixed effects of PLA on biological activity, with both plant-growth promoting and toxic effects, and antimicrobial effects. For example, PLA improved in vitro rooting of pear , and at rates of up to 6% increased fruiting of edible mushrooms in sawdust-based substrates . On the other hand, germination of cress was inhibited by exposure to volatiles from pyrolysis, which are captured via condensation in the production of PLA . Similarly, cress germination was inhibited by BCs with high volatile contents . Like BC, feed stock and production conditions can significantly impact PLA composition and anti-biological activity , and thus the negative impacts of PLA observed in this study may be specific to the almond shell PLA used here.For example, Kono investigated the utility of charcoal to improve substrate physical properties such as water holding capacity and bulk density for orchid production . However, the rapidly expanding body of knowledge on BC, including the ability to design BCs based on feed stock and pyrolysis conditions, means that BCs can be engineered to target additional benefits for to soil-free substrates. Significant enrichment in available N and P over the course of 9 weeks of fertigation reflects high input conditions in greenhouse production systems. Compared to peat, the longer decomposition half-life of high-temperature BCs such as the one in this study, and the potential of nutrient ions to bind to BC and re-solubilize when applied to soils raises the possibility of re-using BC-based substrates as fertilizers. BC substitution may increase the longevity of peat-based substrates under conditions of high nutrient availability common in their use . Decomposition of peat during long grow periods, in particular under high N additions, can compromise physical and chemical properties . Partially replacing peat with less decomposable materials can decrease the overall decomposition rate of the remaining peat component of substrates even under N fertilization , raising the possibility of extending the lifetime of peat-based substrates with partial BC substitution.

Of the DiNEH cohort respondents, those individuals who reported harvesting sheep were recruited for potential participation in the present study. Sheep chosen represented a range of ages , their proximity to mining structures, and a variety of water sources. Three ewes were included in this study. The individual sheep data are compared and reported to reflect an accurate measure of heavy metal uptake in O. aries tissue with respect to the associated forage, water consumption, and their environment. The sheep tissue samples were collected when a sheep rancher harvesting session took place. Three sheep came from two different chapters. From 10 November to 13 December 2012, three ewes were contributed to the study. The O. aries tissue samples were collected in the field immediately after slaughter and included muscle, bone, intestine, lung, liver, kidney, and wool. Upon collection, all samples were placed on dry ice and shipped to the University of New Mexico Analytical Chemistry Laboratory Earth and Planetary Sciences Department for storage and analysis. The 13th cortical rib bone samples were sheared from the proximal, middle, and distal portions and composited together after the removal of excess tissue. The proximal, medial, and distal portions of the small intestine were collected and composited. For lung tissue, the samples were derived from each anatomical lobe and composited. Both kidneys were sampled, and the cortex and medulla were composited separately. Composited muscle samples were from the proximal, medial, and distal portions of the gastrocnemius. Of the wool fiber samples, the area over the neck, middle section, and posterior portions of the animal were sampled and composited. All tissues were representative of 1 g of dried tissue. For coupled organs, the tissues collected from the right side of the sheep were labeled as the sample, and one duplicate was obtained for each tissue type from the left side of the animal. A composited duplicate or replicate was obtained for non-dual type organs . A stainless steel hand auger with a Teflon® coated-core sampler was used to collect the soil samples. To minimize cross contamination, a polyethylene core liner was utilized. Soil samples were obtained from the topsoil and composited. The forage soil samples were obtained by utilizing a topographic soil zone sampling pattern using a random zig-zag pattern.

Soil samples were weighed at 100 g. Physicochemical properties such as temperature, pH, Munsell color, depth, vertical grow rack system and moisture were obtained. The sheep tissue samples were paired with the forage, soil, and water samples. Live plants were removed from the ground soil and handpicked with a latex gloved hand, stored in PE plastic bags, and immediately placed on dry ice. The plant sources were non-cultivated. The plant roots were gently washed with deionized water . The samples were weighed, photographed, bagged, and placed on dry ice for shipment. Due to the collection of sheep tissue and forage late in the harvesting season, non-nascent forage comprised most of the samples. The live plants were placed in a plant press for several weeks with daily press tightening. The dried samples were sent to the UNM Herbarium for identification and archiving. The water samples were collected as a composite grab sample, except for those samples directly collected from a faucet or spigot were collected as first-draw samples. Lab grade PE water bottles were used, the volume of each sample collected was 250 mL. Chemical and physical characteristics data were collected . Nitric acid preservative was added to each water sample, and the sample was immediately placed on dry ice. A duplicate for each sample was obtained. A blank for each sampling session was collected. International Business Machines Statistical Package for Social Sciences for Windows, V. 21 was utilized for statistical analysis. The concentrations of HMs found in sheep tissue, plant, and soil samples are reported in milligrams per kilogram , DW. Heavy metal concentration levels are reported in micrograms per liter for water samples. Percentages, range, mean , standard deviation , and median were used to summarize the data. Independent t tests compared HMs in root versus above ground plant, root soil, and topsoil. Correlations and linear regression tested for associations between sheep tissue and associated water and forage.The field samples arrived on dry ice and were stored in a −20 ◦C freezer until sample preparation and analysis. The organic samples were oven dried at 65 ◦C. Upon sampling the debris were removed from the wool fiber. The wool was washed with 18 mega Ohm water then soaked in dilute HCl. The wool was dried in the oven at 65 ◦C. The samples were prepared by weighing two g dry mass into the digestion tube. Two mL Hydrogen peroxide and five mL HNO3 were added, and the samples were heated gradually up to 95 ◦C and digested for two hours. Next, the digested samples were transferred into 50 mL volume metric flasks and brought to volume using 18 mega ohm water. Three mL of HNO3 was run with each batch of samples. The samples were analyzed using Perkin Elmer NexION 300D ICP/MS by diluting 100 times in glass culture tubes. Mixed standards were prepared using single element standards. The calibration standards range was 5, 10, 25, and 50 µg/L . The Quality Control samples were comprised of Initial Calibration Blank Verification , Initial Calibration Verification , Continuing Calibration Verification , and Matrix Spike , Matrix Spike Duplicate , and Matrix Spike Replicate . The method detection limits are as follows: As 0.3 µg/L, Cd 0.1 µg/L, Mo 0.02 µg/L, Pb 0.008 µg/L, Se 1.3 µg/L, and U 0.008 µg/L.

A mixed internal standard of Bismuth, Indium, Scandium, and Yttrium was used to match the analyte mass range. Two percent HNO3 was used as a carrier and rinse solution. The elements were analyzed in three modes to minimize interferences; Standard, Dynamic Reaction Cell gas A , and Dynamic Reaction Cell gas B in groups. Upon the completion of analysis, the data were revised, validated, and tabulated, and the concentrations were converted to mg/kg material using instrument corrected concentration readings, sample digest final volume, and sample weight. For each sample, three replicates were measured. The accuracy of the method was verified using the analysis of certified reference materials National Institute of Standards and Technology Standard Reference Material 2709a San Joaqin Soil and NIST SRM 1573a , yielding the following values: Cd: 1.474 ± 0.107 mg/kg and Cd: 0.644 ± 0.089 mg/kg . The precision results were satisfactory with relative standard deviations ranging from 7.3 to 13.8%. The mean age of adult sheep harvesters was 58.67 ± 2.89 years; two of three participants were male. All sheep parts were consumed by the participants for a mean of 52.33 ± 10.78 years. The sheep harvesters reported that 35% of their overall meat intake came from sheep they raised and harvested locally. On average, all the participants reported consuming locally raised sheep once a week. The local harvesters reported other important non-food uses for sheep. All participants reported selling wool,vertical farming companies and two reported using the locally harvested wool to create textiles to sell for income. One of three harvesters reported selling live sheep to market, and two reported selling sheep or lamb cuts to market. All the participants reported sharing sheep meat for free with others. On average, each sheep harvester distributed free meat to two households. Multiple sheep parts were reportedly used for various ceremonial or cultural purposes by all harvesters. The existing literature reports HM levels in kidney tissue, but typically there is no comparison between the kidney medulla and the renal cortex. In this study, the kidney medulla rather than the kidney cortex showed an increased uptake of U, Se, Mo, and As. The renal proximal tubule epithelia are chemically damaged by high acute levels or prolonged low doses of U; the proximal tubules are housed in the renal cortex. The administration of toxic doses of Se demonstrated histopathological changes in the proximal tubules of the sheep. The kidneys maintain Se homeostasis. Renal compromise may cause dysregulation of Se. Our study indicates there may be a difference between HM accumulation in the medulla and the cortex. The renal toxic effects of U and Cd are well supported in the literature. The effects of associated heavy metals on the sheep kidney need further exploration. Meat protein is richer in Se than plants. The literature supports that Se commonly concentrates in the liver and kidneys of animals. Of all sheep organs, elevated Se levels were found in the liver and kidney medulla .In a lamb tissue study, it was reported that Se concentrations in the kidneys were seven to 44 times higher than in other tissue and organs. Similarly, in our study, the medullary levels contained the higher concentrations of Se . The above lamb study reported that leg muscle contained the lowest Se concentrations of the tissues sampled.

We also found that leg muscle contained the lowest Se concentrations in our examination . There is a narrow margin between Se requirement and toxicity. Therefore, taking an accurate measure of food intake containing Se, particularly meat protein, is important. Food processing such as cooking via baking, boiling, and grilling may alter the amount of Se in food. Whether food processing has an additive or minimizing effect on Se concentrations in food is to be determined by research. Adjusting food intake and cooking habits based on various HM measurements and bio-availability may be a plausible intervention once it is informed by research. Elevated levels of Se and Pb were found in sheep wool in the current study. Further, though Th was negligible in all other sheep tissue, it was detected in sheep wool . This finding may indicate that Th may be accumulating across time in sheep wool. Direct dirt and dust aerosol capture and the effects of lanolin may be contributing exposure factors. We did not measure the effects of lanolin in this study. The current study community relies on wool to create textiles. It is common practice to place local plants in hot water to pigment the wool. The wool is handled often by weavers once the wool is removed from the animal, hand-carding the wool, hand-spinning, dyeing, and weaving the textile. The entire process often takes weeks to months, suggesting a potential lengthy human exposure to heavy metals. A considerable amount of time is spent outdoors for such activities, and exposure to various sources of contaminants such as soil, water, and air is a concern. Although this study of three sheep provided interesting insight, future studies should focus on determining the speciation of heavy metals and evaluate which metals have a greater affinity to wool. The majority of the time for this study, heavy metals were found in the greatest amounts in soil > forage roots > above-ground forage parts, respectively. The current study mean Se soil concentrations were equivalent or exceeded the exposed soil and were greater than the control concentrations reported by Dreesen and Cokal. The above-ground forage parts contained the least amount of heavy metals, except for Mo and Cd. The bio-accumulation ratio can partially demonstrate the ability of particular plants to absorb soil heavy metals and transport them to the above ground portions of a plant. The data shows that the uptake of Cd, Mo, and Se by most plants sampled were high under current soil conditions. The highest BF ratios were seen in most forage for Mo , Cd , and Se , which needs further exploration. The high BF ratios seen may indicate a low tolerance of various plants to high concentrations of Mo and Cd. In particular, B. gracilis the most abundant plant, was associated with elevated BF ratios for Cd, Mo, and Se. Generally, in the biota samples there were greater heavy metal concentrations in the plant roots than the above-ground portions, which is consistent with several other plant studies that found that U translocates in greater amounts to the roots than the shoots. Similar to the current study, Soudek et al. reported that U was more localized in the root system. Uranium accumulation was less in grasses than root crops and Brassica spp.. Uranium uptake was found to be 3.9 or 4.5higher in the presence of phosphate deficiency. The micro and macro-nutrients available in soil affected the uptake of Cd in one source.

The median income for households in these communities is $18,500; it is $47,626 in the rest of the city . Unemployment sits at 24 percent, nearly three times the rate for the city at large . The asymmetry between the economic dynamism of GUC and the racialized poverty of its adjacent neighborhoods points towards the unevenness of Cleveland’s economic recovery. Evergreen finds one of its origin points in a larger effort undertaken by the Cleveland Foundation , a local community foundation, to harness the wealth of the GUC for the economic benefit of the neighborhoods surrounding it. A product of Cleveland’s wealthy past, the Cleveland Foundation is one of America’s largest foundations, with an endowment of $1.8 billion. In 2005 it launched the Greater University Circle Initiative, which sought to capture some of the $3 billion dollars spent by GUC institutions each year for the purposes of local economic development . In 2006, India Pierce Lee, a program director with CF, heard Ted Howard from the Democracy Collaborative give a presentation on his vision of community wealth building. The Democracy Collaborative is a leader in the growing “new economy movement,” which seeks systemic change by challenging the imperative for constant economic growth and by promoting economic equality and democracy . The Collaborative defines community wealth building as “improving the ability of communities and individuals to increase asset ownership, anchor jobs locally, expand the provision of public services, and ensure local economic stability” . A key part of DC’s community wealth-building strategy is harnessing procurement flows from anchor institutions whose deep rootedness in a community creates an incentive to prioritize local economic development. Ted Howard’s strategy for community wealth building mirrored priorities of the Cleveland Foundation’s recent GUC initiative. Shortly after hearing his presentation, India Pierce Lee invited him and DC to do a feasibility study for enacting their community wealth-building strategies in Cleveland. The initial plan was to encourage pre-existing Community Development Corporations to incubate new social enterprises that could harness procurement flows,vertical growers but no takers could be found. The plan was too risky for local CDCs whose expertise was rooted in affordable housing development .

The worker-run co-operative model was a secondary plan that developed through conversations between Howard and John Logue from the Ohio Employee Ownership Center . Logue was a leading figure in co-operative studies and the employee ownership movement. He had written on the successful models in Mondragon , Emilia Romagna , and Quebec ; Evergreen was designed with these models in mind, especially Mondragon. The final plan was for a network of worker owned co-operatives designed to capture procurement flows from anchor institutions, especially strategic opportunities in the emerging green economy. It is important to understand Evergreen in the context of the Democracy Collaborative’s larger vision and work. The DC describes their mission as the pursuit of “a new economic system where shared ownership and control creates more equitable and inclusive outcomes, fosters ecological sustainability, and promotes flourishing democratic and community life” . In 2015, DC launched the “Next System Project,” an initiative seeking to “launch a national debate on the nature of ‘the next system’ … to refine and publicize comprehensive alternative political-economic system models that are different in fundamental ways from the failed systems of the past and capable of delivering superior social, economic and ecological outcomes” . The NSP includes a statement signed by a broad assemblage of the political left . Position papers on eco-socialism, commoning, and solidarity economics have been forwarded as part of the effort to debate and actualize the “next system” . Evergreen, then, should be understood as a local experiment in next system design. As we unpack below, there are limits to Evergreen’s nationwide replication. But the movement building and systemic thinking that it is part of are crucial to the growth of the cooperative economy, and the transformation of neoliberal capitalism. Given Evergreen’s roots in the “next system” vision of the Democracy Collaborative, it is surprising that it would attract support from the Cleveland Foundation, a wealthy charitable foundation established by a banker and governed by members of Cleveland’s economic elite. Indeed, once the plan for Evergreen was finalized, the CF pledged $3 million of seed funding to the project . The Foundation’s support for a network of worker-owned co-operatives reveals some openness among local higher-ups to the idea of systemic reform. India Pierce Lee, for example, had previously held a post as a Director of the Empowerment Zone with the City of Cleveland’s Department of Economic Development. Empowerment zones are federally designated high-distress communities eligible for a combination of tax credits, loans, grants, and other publicly funded benefits. At this post, Pierce Lee saw millions of public dollars being spent on economic development – all of it directed to employers – with minimal to zero effect: few new businesses, few new jobs created . Brenner and Theodore have described empowerment zones as “neoliberal policy experiments” . Pierce Lee had experienced these experiments as failures, and was keen to try the alternative that Evergreen represented. Similarly, Howard told us how some CF board members raised ideological concerns over worker ownership, but that a willingness to try alternatives prevailed .

Cleveland’s painful history of de-industrialization, out-migration, and persistent racialized poverty likely facilitated elite openness to new forms of economic development. “I cannot stress enough that without the people at the Cleveland Foundation, Evergreen would not have happened,” noted Candi Clouse from Cleveland State University’s Center for Economic Development during our interview . Replicating the “Cleveland Model” is challenging when an integral piece is a supportive and wealthy community foundation. The current conjuncture of “contested neoliberalism,” however, does make the availability of this support more probable. Research by DC on foundations experimenting with funding alternative economic development strategies found examples in Atlanta, Denver, and Washington, D.C. . But the authors also note how “many community foundation leaders talked about conservative boards, isolated from new ideas, who were reluctant to take up seemingly risky new ways” . Popular and elite frustration with neoliberalism means that foundation support for co-operative development is more possible than in previous eras, but this support remains contingent on local circumstance. Elite frustration with mainstream economic development mechanisms also played a key role in the city’s support of Evergreen. While the Cleveland Foundation provided seed funding and technical assistance, the city played a key role by helping to secure financing. Tracy Nichols, Director of Cleveland’s Department of Economic Development, had seen the plans for Evergreen and wanted to help finance it. Evergreen lost a bank loan in the 2008 financial crisis and having the City’s support in securing financing was a big step towards actualizing their plan. For Nichols, the fact that the Cleveland Foundation was providing seed funding and logistical support helped legitimate Evergreen as a safe bet for municipal resources. But what really attracted Nichols, she said, “was the fact that they expected to hire people who were formerly incarcerated” . All three Evergreen co-operatives are capital intensive. Without clear policy frameworks for funding , putting financing in place required ingenuity. Evergreen is almost entirely debt-financed. The majority of its funds have come from two federal social financing programs: Department of Housing and Urban Development Section 108 funds, and New Market Tax Credits . Of the nearly $24 million that have been raised from federal sources for Evergreen’s development, approximately $11.5 million came from HUD section 108 loans and approximately $9.5 million came from NMTCs .

The HUD Section 108 funds were established to provide communities with a source of financing for “economic development,farming vertical housing rehabilitation, public facilities, and large-scale physical development projects” The HUD low-interest loans were inaccessible without the City’s sustained help; funds flow through state and local governments. Monies from HUD provided the core financing for the $17 million, 3.25- acre greenhouse that now houses Green City Growers . The greenhouse is located on land that included residential housing prior to Evergreen’s development. Not only did Cleveland’s Department of Economic Development play a central role in securing financing, but it also facilitated the purchase of homes that needed to be demolished before construction of the greenhouse could begin. Unlike HUD Section 108 funds, New Market Tax Credits could be accessed directly by Evergreen’s founders without the City serving as intermediary. But NMTCs are also complex and would have been very challenging to negotiate without the Cleveland Foundation’s technical assistance. “We call the New Market Tax Credits a full employment program for lawyers and accountants,” reflected Howard “because there are hundreds of thousands of dollars of fees” . The Clinton Administration launched the NMTC program in 2000 as a for-profit community development tool. The goal of the program is to help revitalize low-income neighborhoods with private investment that is incentivized through federal income tax credits .5 The NMTC program is meant to be a “win-win” for investors and low-income communities, but investors win more, and at public expense . The NMTC program is arguably an example of what Peck and Ticknell call “roll-out neoliberalism” ; they argue that the neoliberal agenda “has gradually moved from one preoccupied with the active destruction and discreditation of Keynesian-welfarist and social-collectivist institutions to one focused on the purposeful construction and consolidation of neoliberalized state forms, modes of governance, and regulatory relations” . The NMTC program creates new profit opportunities for private investors at public expense: the privatization of gain and socialization of loss common to neoliberal economic policy. A framework that made federal loans available directly to community organizations would arguably be more efficient and less bureaucratic. Lacking this option, Evergreen’s founders pragmatically harnessed whatever resources they could access. Evergreen’s emergence would have been greatly facilitated by policy mechanisms that made financing and technical assistance more readily available. The international cooperative movement has prioritized supportive legal frameworks as a key constituent of co-op growth , but there is not a robust literature on policy support for cooperatives. Supportive legal frameworks for co-operatives are a “deeply under-researched area” . Based on our review of existing literature, however, we found that there were six primary forms of policy support that have been successfully deployed internationally: co-op recognition, financing, sectoral financing, preferential taxation, supportive infrastructure, and preferential procurement. The most developed examples of these policies are found in areas of dense co-operative concentration: the Basque region of Spain, Emilia Romagna in Northern Italy, and Quebec, Canada.6 Below is a table summarizing how these six policy forms are deployed in the co-op dense regions . The table is included to facilitate further research in the understudied area of cooperative policy, and to clarify policy successes for organizers in the co-operative movement interested in emulating them. In the next section we examine “private” or adhoc versions of the policy supports that Evergreen used and explore what these improvisations reveal about the legislative needs of the US co-op movement more broadly. Of the six enabling policy forms, Evergreen has benefitted from private and adhoc versions of recognition, financing, supportive infrastructure, and procurement. The Mayor of Cleveland, Frank Jackson, and Ohio Senator Sherrod Brown spoke at the opening ceremonies of Green City Growers. These high-level endorsements, while not written into policy, conferred legitimacy and boosted media coverage. In terms of financing, having a wealthy foundation backstopping the initiative was a crucial first step. The Foundation’s support helped bring the City on board, giving the Department of Economic Development the confidence to access HUD 108 funds to support the co-op. As Nichols reflected: “the loans have some risk for us, but I know the Foundation is backing this initiative, and I know they don’t want it to fail. They have money. I don’t have to worry” . Without technical assistance from the Cleveland Foundation and the Ohio Employee Ownership Center , securing New Market Tax Credit funds would have been even more of a byzantine process. Both the Foundation and the OEOC offered legal support and co-op training respectively. The OEOC has received both state and federal funding, but its state funding has been largely cut. Again, the technical support Evergreen received was ad-hoc and private. Regularization of public funding for cooperative development, as is the case in Northern Italy and Quebec, would greatly facilitate US co-op development.

During the year 1994, 5.314 hectares were eradicated .However, according to US estimates, poppy fields that year did not fall below 20,000 hectares, an estimate that was never denied by the Colombian authorities.The illegal heroin trade of the eighties and nineties appeared to follow a similar pattern to that of the marijuana business in the sixties and seventies. In the case of marijuana, the production triangle in this hemisphere had been made up of Mexico, Jamaica and Colombia. When repression took its toll in one country, especially due to the use of herbicides, the business moved to another, although it always returned to the spot where initially larger amounts had been planted. Something similar occurred with poppies between Mexico, Guatemala and Colombia. The original problem of illegal crops was never overcome, nor were the authorities able to dismount the equipment and infrastructure which enabled such plantations and laboratories to stay in business in the above-mentioned countries. By attacking temporarily, and in an isolated fashion an illegal crop, public anti-drug policy automatically attacks the weakest and least decisive link in the vast and complex chain of illegal drug dealing, and at the same time has the worst possible negative effect from a social viewpoint on small farmers and Indian populations, while affecting hardly at all the area of organized crime financed by the drug traffickers. The Gaviria administration had decided to deal with the drug problem by placing its emphasis on a policy of submission and making clear that it differentiated between drug trafficking and narco-terrorism. President Gaviria stated that “while narco-terrorism is our problem, drug trafficking is an international phenomenon.” Nonetheless, in the case of poppy growing, Gaviria did what former governments had done in their attacks on coca and marijuana fields.

The results of his efforts were insignificant and ephemeral, as were those of his predecessors. When a government acts on the basis of punishment alone and without offering incentives,indoor vertical farming believing that it is indulging in a technically-approved and non-harmful type of fumigation, it finishes up contributing to environmental damage and to a greater social breakdown in the zones where the plantations are grown.But discussions on the subject assumed an elitist, moral tone: on one side were the “good, hard-line, intelligent people” uncontaminated by drug traffic, and on the other “the softies, the badies, the dumb idiots” who were either mouthpieces of the traffickers or were unconsciously letting themselves be used by them. In February 1992, Colombia’s Justice Minister made a comment which illustrates this point: he claimed that “a cloak of complicity has been thrown over things by those who object to herbicide fumigation for environmental reasons, while all the time playing into the hands of the drug traffickers.”At no time was there a lobby sufficiently coherent, serious and affirmative to combat the government’s determination to keep on fumigating. The executive did not receive substantial criticism nor impediments to the actions it carried out through legislation and the judiciary. The government was therefore able to go ahead with its eradication policy with few internal restrictions. Even so, the result was not very positive; the rise of the poppy emporium in Colombia amply demonstrated the limits of the government’s public anti-narcotics policy and the dramatic consequences of unremitting prohibition on the part of the United States. The Colombian government did not attack drug trafficking or narco-terrorism on the financial front. In accordance with the logic of the so-called economic liberalization fomented by the government in the early nineties, it made no sense to place restrictions and greater controls on the free movement of capital. In 1993, a report by the Vienna-based United Nations International Board on Fiscal Control of Narcotics recommended that “Colombian legislation consider the laundering of capital resources to be a crime and that banking laws should become stricter in order to allow for multilateral cooperation….”The alleged financing of the presidential election campaign with drug money formed the backdrop to the anti-narcotics policies of President Ernesto Samper’s administration . As months went by, the coercive diplomacy which the United States had hitherto been exerting on Colombia became transformed into “blackmail diplomacy.”The president’s capacity for political survival led him to “North Americanize” the fight against drug trafficking in Colombia; that is to say, the president accepted and implemented a strategy virtually imposed by the United States. The Samper government undertook an all-out chemical eradication campaign far beyond anything seen in the two preceding decades, with massive use of glyphosate. Fumigators also employed imazapyr, a more powerful granulated herbicide, and were planning to use tebuthiouron, an even more devastating killer than the others. Ernesto Samper also became the president who most helped criminalize the drug trade, while in Colombia it became almost impossible to discuss the subject of legalizing drugs, something Samper himself had suggested in the late seventies, given the failure of repressive measures taken at that time by the Turbay administration and fomented by the United States.The Samper government even went beyond the demands of the United States executive and legislature. In 1995, months before the infamous “Frechette Memorandum”began to circulate — a document which suggested that Colombia should adopt legislation and take drastic measures in the anti-drug war — President Samper had launched his “integral plan” announcing, amongst other things, the creation of Operación Resplandor designed to put a definite end to all illegal crops which existed in Colombia in the space of two years.”An all-out eradication policy had been set in place. In 1994 , 4.094 hectares of coca were eradicated. In 1995, the Samper administration eradicated 25,402 hectares; and in 1996, 9,711 hectares. In 1994, the Gaviria and Samper administrations had eradicated 5,314 hectares of poppies. In 1995, the Samper government eradicated 5,074 hectares; and in 1996, 6,044 hectares Between the years 1995 and 1996, glyphosate was used on a massive scale to destroy illegal crops.Even so, the idea of putting an end once and for all to illegal crops proved again to be illusory. In 1996, the US government estimated that the number of hectares dedicated to the planting of coca in Colombia had reached 53,800 hectares, while independent estimates placed the figure at around 80,000 hectares.This meant that Colombia had surpassed Bolivia, a country which traditionally was second only to Peru as a coca producer in South America. The same official US source estimated that Colombia had 4.133 hectares of marijuana and that the country had produced 63 tons of heroin in 1996. However, Colombians had their greatest surprise of all in 1996 when small farmers from the south, especially from the Caquetá region, suddenly made their presence felt in mass demonstrations and protest marches. Nobody had expected this. It was as if the whole population had discovered overnight, and a little belatedly, that the country had ceased to be the processor of these stimulants and had transformed itself now into something else: a huge grower of illegal crops. People also came to realize that the state simply did not operate at all in a large and strategic portion of the country’s territory, and that power, at the local level, was in the hands of insurgent groups, especially in those of the FARC . Colombians came to realize as well that violent measures alone were not going to solve the profound and intricate social, political and economic problems which had been incubating for decades in the nation’s geographic wilderness.In sum, fumigating with herbicides in southern Colombia in 1996 turned out to be as useless for dismantling the illegal business of drug dealing as had similar efforts in previous years. The difference was that, in 1996, paramilitary detachments were multiplying at a frightening rate in the south. The political blindness of people in government, hydroponic vertical farming police officers and the military, together with the administration’s obsequious submission to United States policies, led to a repeat, in 1997, of the indiscriminate fumigation with herbicides — on a huge scale with glyphosate, to a lesser extent with imazapyr. In 1997, Colombia sprayed 41,847 hectares of coca and 6,962 hectares of marijuana. Twenty-two hectares of coca were eradicated manually, as well as twenty-five hectares of poppies and 261 hectares of marijuana. In just over three years, the government had fumigated more than 100,000 hectares of illegal crops. But paradoxically that only went to prove, as never before, just how mistaken, harmful and counter-productive the chemical destruction of such crops could be; in 1998, almost 110,000 hectares of the national territory were dedicated to plantations of coca, marijuana and poppies. In that year, the Samper administration , and that of Andrés Pastrana , fumigated 66,083 hectares of coca and 2,931 of poppies, and manually destroyed 3,126 hectares of coca, 181 of poppies and 18 of marijuana.From the mid-nineties up to the present time, Colombia has broken all historical records in the matter of fumigation. And yet the data on the eradication of illegal crops in Colombia has never been more negative. For example, according to US estimates, in 1990 heroin production in Colombia was hardly worth mentioning; there were 32,100 hectares of coca plantations, and marijuana was being grown in 1,500 hectares. In 1996, Colombia was producing 63 tons of heroin annually, while 32,100 hectares were planted in coca and 4,133 in marijuana.In 1998, Colombia produced 435 metric tons of cocaine, and in 1999 it was producing 520 metric tons, and in the year 2000 production had gone up to 580 tons.According to Colombia’s Anti-narcotic Police, the Pastrana government had destroyed approximately 50,000 hectares of coca plantations by 1999 , and the US State Department gives a total of 56,254 hectares eradicated by Colombia in the year 2000.50Nonetheless, according to the Central Intelligence Agency , the total area planted in coca in 1999 amounted to 120,000 hectares,and the US State Department declared that this had increased to 136,200 hectares in the year 2000. This means that in just four years, from 1996 to 2000, the surface planted in coca in Colombia has doubled; the total number of hectares went from 8,280 to 13,200. An increase in the fumigation of illegal crops has not resulted in a decrease in the area planted with illegal crops, nor to a decrease in the production of illegal drugs. To this evident failure one must add the fact that, on the US market, cocaine and heroin have become both cheaper and purer. It is worth noting, also, that something similar has occurred in Western Europe where, in 1999, a gram of cocaine was worth US$90, and a gram of heroin was fetching US$98. So, the rationale which attempts to justify a strong eradication policy in the centers of supply has proved to be way off the mark. It had been presumed that the massive destruction of illegal drugs where production and processing were taking place was going to lead to less availability of narcotics in the centers of demand, an increase in price for the ultimate consumer and a lowering of standards of purity in the stimulants themselves. Quite the opposite has happened; in the year 2000 one could procure in the United States more drugs of better quality than ever before, and at lower prices. Besides, in terms of illegal drug consumption and of drug-related crime, the United States record has not shown substantial improvement. In 1988 the number of occasional consumers of heroin was reckoned at 167,000; in 1995 it had reached 322,000; while the total number of heroin consumers worldwide went from 692,000 in 1992 to 810,000 in 1995. The overall demand for heroin was 1,800,000 grams per year in 1988, but by 1996 it had soared to 2,400,000.53 Despite certain laudable achievements in reducing drug consumption in the United States, it is evident that a strong demand still exists. In this context it is worth quoting Bruce Bagley: “Some 13 million US drug users spent approximately US$67 billion on illicit drugs in 1999, making the US market the most lucrative one in the world for Colombian traffickers.”Concomitantly, in 1990 the total number of arrests in the area of drug-related law infringements was 1,089,500, whereas in 1996 the figure had risen to 1,128,647. In 1990, 53 percent of prisoners in federal jails were serving sentences for narcotic-related crimes; in 1995 the statistic had risen to 59.9 percent.

Inspection services are provided by the Federal Grain Inspection Service, the Food Safety Inspection Service, and the Packers and Stockyards Administration. The state government also provided approximately $147 million for agricultural plant and animal health, pest prevention and food safety services. Outlays for the Foreign Agriculture Service, Agricultural Marketing Service, and Office of Transportation comprise the federal portion of processing and marketing assistance. For the 1999-2001 period, the average state outlays for California Department of Food and Agriculture marketing, commodities and agricultural services totaled around $60 million. For those commodities with relatively small amounts of total support, marketing assistance provides the bulk of the support. Assessments are subtracted from outlays to determine the contribution to the PSE. Finally, there are state and federal marketing order, board and commissions for many California commodities. These are generally financed by check-off systems that apply a kind of excise tax on the marketed commodity to support promotion or research .Infrastructure support includes federal soil conservation programs, which provide assistance in reducing soil erosion and degradation of resources. While the contribution of these programs to overall support of California agriculture is small, they are included as a separate category for consistency with the PSE calculation.There are various tax benefits for agriculture and foreign sales corporations that indirectly support the agricultural industry. Nelson, Simone and Valdes have compiled the total value of federal tax benefits to agribusiness and have also calculated the value of inland waterway construction and railroad interest rate subsidies. In general, plastic pots 30 liters the value of transportation subsidies is relatively small, usually around 2 percent of total support for each commodity. This is likely an over-estimate, however, because the California share in these benefits is likely smaller than the California share of agricultural output .

Tax breaks were a larger share of the support, but were not substantial by themselves. We did not include in our PSE calculations the value of state and local real estate tax benefits to agriculture. California, like many other states in the United States, provides for a special taxation rate on agricultural real estate. The state’s Williamson Act, introduced in 1965, provides a preferential assessment program for agricultural land. Williamson Act acreage currently represents almost half of California agricultural land. Under the Williamson Act, landowners sign a contract with the appropriate local government agency restricting urban use of that land for ten years. In return, property under Williamson Act protection is assessed for tax purposes according to its capitalized agricultural income. Capitalized income assessments are usually about half of the market value-based assessments for Williamson Act land; thus landowners receive approximately $120 million in tax benefits. Contracts may be terminated through non-renewal or cancellation. Non-renewal gradually phases in the market value-based assessment over nine years; at the end of the ten-year contract, the land is appraised at full market value. Cancellation of Williamson Act contracts must be approved by the local governing board after conducting public hearings. If the contract cancellation is approved, the landowner pays a penalty of 12.5 percent of the current market value of the land .Dairy policy is discussed in detail above. Here we note only that, in addition to trade protection and internal price policies, the dairy industry receives support from several smaller programs as well. In addition, the dairy industry receives indirect support in the form of subsidies to the grain industry and, especially, the alfalfa hay industry. Hay is important in dairy production, accounting for about 20 percent of total costs. The major subsidy for alfalfa is irrigation water; some have argued that the water subsidy to alfalfa is a major contributor to lower dairy production costs in California. Let’s examine this proposition. Total alfalfa support is about $34 million. Most of this, about $15 million is attributable to the irrigation water subsidy.

Some of the alfalfa and other hay grown in the state is consumed by other livestock. Approximately $12 million of the water subsidy to hay is ultimately of benefit to the dairy industry. If the $12 million were added to a subsidy of about one billion dollars, it would raise the overall dairy subsidy from 33.4 percent to 33.6 percent. In other words the effect of irrigation subsidy on dairy is very small, especially compared to the subsidy from other sources.Commodities in this category have little government intervention in their markets. The PSEs range from about 3 to 5 percent of the revenue. There are no significant trade barriers or direct payments for these commodities. The main portion of support comes from input assistance, marketing assistance, broad government infrastructure and economy-wide policies. While these commodities have no explicit export subsidies, they do benefit from foreign market development funding to some degree, especially almonds and strawberries . Crop insurance benefits and disaster payments are also a source of a small amount of support for this group . In the citrus industry, crop insurance and disaster payments comprise almost 30 percent of the support; large payments were made following the 1990 freeze that took a heavy toll on the California citrus industry . Most commodities in this group have some sort of marketing order, either federal, state, or both. The marketing order share of total support ranges from 3 percent to around 25 percent . The share of support from research is relatively high for these commodities, around 25 percent. Nevertheless, since these percentages equal very small PSEs for the horticultural commodities, the overall subsidy is quite small.The federal programs for these commodities were discussed in detail above. Direct government payments provide the lion’s share of support: 90 percent for rice, 74 percent for cotton, 86 percent for feed grains, and over 76 percent for wheat. Cotton, wheat, and rice have active marketing orders but compared to the value of the direct income supports, the marketing order budgets are relatively small. The magnitude of the direct payments and the export subsidies also make the value of the input assistance, marketing assistance, infrastructure, and economy-wide policies a small percentage of total support.

As noted above, the most important feature of support for alfalfa and other hay is the water input subsidy. Alfalfa production in California uses approximately 2.3 million acre-feet of CVP or SWP water per year. Like fruits, nuts, and vegetables, alfalfa production does not benefit from trade barriers or direct payments. Research accounts for about 15 percent of alfalfa support, while the input assistance , marketing assistance, infrastructure, and economy-wide policies provide about 35 percent. Excluding water, the alfalfa industry would have a PSE of 2.2 percent.One of the major problems in California is that the state’s water is concentrated in the north, but the majority of the state’s urban population and irrigated agriculture is located in the south. California contains 32 million acre-feet of developed water,round plastic pots of which 84 percent is used to irrigate 9.68 million acres of agricultural land. Because such a large proportion of water resources is used for irrigated agriculture, most water management conflicts involve the movement of water to or from irrigated agriculture. While most of the water is used to irrigate field and fodder crops, the high value vegetable and fruit crops generate the majority of agricultural revenues.From the 1950’s to 1970’s different government agencies at the State and Federal level implemented a massive water development program in California. This program was built upon the traditional supply augmentation approach to water development. Unfortunately this approach to water development is flawed. The main weakness of the traditional supply based method is that it assumes that the demand for water is perfectly inelastic and unchanging over time. An inelastic demand assumes that there is little quantitative response to changes in the price of water. Under this planning approach the quantity of water to be delivered by a water project is fixed, and the only question is how to minimize the costs of supplying it. Economic analysis is then performed to see if the total costs of the water project are less than the total benefits. Both the State Water Project and the Federal Central Valley Water Project were developed using the principles of the supply-based approach to water development. The SWP was originally projected to supply an average annual quantity of 4.2 million acre-feet of water in two stages. The first stage of 2.2 million acre-feet was built and put into service in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s.

However, subsequent attempts to build the remaining 2 million acre-feet capacity have met with effective opposition from environmental interests, who want to prevent any further water development, and current contractors, who know that the average cost of water delivered by the system will have to increase by up to 300 percent to finance the completion of the planned project. In 1994 the SWP project contractors and operators met to renegotiate the conditions for water sales among contractors and the allocation of cuts in water deliveries during drought periods. The resulting Monterey agreement also enabled contractors who overlie a state operated groundwater storage project to exchange the control of the project for surface water entitlements; these entitlements could then be transferred to urban contractors. Finally, the agreement sanctioned the permanent transfer of 130 thousand acre-feet of water from agricultural to urban users. The CVP parallels the SWP and delivers 4.6 million acre-feet of water to both urban and agricultural contractors. Urban contractors receive 10 percent of total water deliveries while the remaining 90 percent of water is diverted to agricultural contractors. The CVP was operational in 1965, but by 1992 there was considerable political pressure to modify the operation of the project to reduce environmental damage to different fish populations in the Sacramento River Delta. The resulting Central Valley Project Improvement Act reallocated water to environmental uses by cutting water deliveries by 1 million acre-feet in normal rainfall years and by 804 thousand acre-feet in critical rainfall years. The CVPIA mandated that 800 thousand acre-feet of water be reallocated to in stream uses to protect the salmon runs, while 400 thousand acre-feet of water be reallocated to wildlife refuges . Water markets in the CVP districts are limited to local sales among agricultural contractors. These sales are short in duration and are generated by differences in the water allocations between farm regions and years. Due to institutional constraints, CVP water is still largely used for agricultural irrigation despite a three-fold difference between the value of water in nearby urban sectors and agricultural sectors.In recent years, State and Federal law have mandated a set of modifications that affect both the state and federal water projects in California. In 1996 and 1997 California developed the 4.4 Plan that aims to reduce diversions from the Colorado River to 4.4 million acre-feet over a period of 15 years. Moreover, in 2000 the Environmental Water Account was implemented by the state and federal governments. The purpose of the EWA is to regenerate the fisheries of the San Francisco Bay-Delta system while simultaneously securing water supplies to both urban and agricultural users. Both these developments have encouraged water trading.This transfer, while historic, is more like an intergovernmental reallocation than a prototypical water market exchange. The QSA settled a large array of issues regarding use and conveyance of Colorado River water, many of which were unrelated to the transfer itself. There is also some question as to the willingness of IID to enter into the agreement. While it appears that many landowners and the IID itself will benefit substantially from the agreement, local opposition to the transfer remained strong until the Bureau of Reclamation found under a Section 517 proceeding that IID’s use of water exceeded “reasonable and beneficial” amounts. This finding raised the possibility that, unless transferred, IID stood to lose a significant share of its annual use with no compensation.Figure 3 plots both actual transfers and regression predictions of water transfers in California between 1985 and 2001. The regression fitted to water transfer data confirms that rainfall levels have a significant effect on annual water transfers . The data also confirms a positive correlation between the time trend and water transfers. When expressed as a percentage of the mean level of water transfers, the regression time trend shows an annual growth rate of 1.26 percent over the period.

Several California marketing order and commission commodity promotion and research programs have recently been involved in litigation as a small minority of unhappy producers and handlers have turned to the courts with requests to modify or terminate the programs. Recent court cases involving constitutional challenges include actions against the marketing orders for peaches and nectarines, kiwifruit, plums, apples, grape root stocks, cut flowers, almonds, milk, cling peaches, and table grapes.Marketing order quantity controls can be a powerful economic tool when the commodity group controls most of the production of the commodity and when there are different markets with different price elasticities of demand. Under these conditions, the commodity group can gain a measure of monopoly power and enhance returns through price discrimination. However, since they are unable to control entry, any short-run price enhancement will lead to a longer-run supply response. It is not surprising that quantity controls have been controversial—monopoly pricing practices reduce the welfare of some consumers and may distort resource allocation decisions, while producers face all of the problems of maintaining a cartel. Marketing orders for several California commodities include quantity control provisions , although the use of quantity controls has decreased over time as a result of problems noted above. The federal marketing orders for citrus, with their prorate provisions, were terminated at the end of the 1993-94 crop year after more than 50 years of almost continuous use. The citrus prorates set the amount of lemons and oranges that could be shipped to the domestic fresh market on a weekly basis.The demand facing packers in the fresh market is very inelastic relative to the demands in the processing and export market. Thus,stacking pots price discrimination against the fresh market, by restricting the flow of product to it, is both possible and profitable. Short-run producer price enhancement without any controls on entry led to an acreage response for both lemons and Navel oranges.

As new plantings reached bearing age, the Administrative Committees were forced to divert increasing proportions of the annual crop to exports and processing to maintain fresh market prices. Producer returns from all markets decreased over time, until new plantings were no longer profitable. However, when compared to a competitive solution, prorate resulted in increased acreage and production of citrus, as well as increased exports and processed products . Opponents of the citrus volume regulations, who had been sued in 1983 by the United States for violations of prorate, discovered evidence of over shipments by a large number of competing orange and lemon packing houses.Because of allegations of limitations violations of shipments under the order, a series of lawsuits, investigations, and proposals for penalties under AMAA forfeiture rules threatened to keep the industry in court for years and create economic hardships for many industry participants. To minimize long-term damage to the industry and “to end the divisiveness in the citrus industry caused by over ten years of acrimonious litigation,” the Secretary of Agriculture terminated the California-Arizona citrus marketing orders, effective July 31, 1994, and dismissed all litigation brought pursuant to the AMAA.Raisins provide another good illustration of volume controls in California. California is the largest volume raisin producer in the world, and this industry has operated under a federal marketing order program with volume controls since 1949. Under the raisin marketing order, annual production is divided between free tonnage and a reserve pool, and the Raisin Administrative Committee controls the reserve tonnage. Only free tonnage can be sold on the domestic market, but the RAC can allow packers to buy additional tonnage for free use from the reserve when the RAC determines that such actions are justified by supply and demand conditions. Until 1977, the majority of raisins in the reserve pool were exported at prices that were much lower than for raisins sold on the domestic market. Raisins from the reserve were also used for the school lunch program, government subsidized exports, other government programs, sales to wineries for distilling into alcohol, donations to charity, and cattle feed. Thus, the raisin industry working through the RAC successfully used the reserve pool to practice price discrimination in separate domestic and export markets.

Conditions and markets changed, however, and beginning in 1977, exports were considered free tonnage shipments, and the initial free tonnage was increased to serve favorable export markets. Since 1977, the RAC has often exported reserve pool raisins at prices competitive with world prices but below prices on the domestic market. Finally, the experience of the California almond industry illustrates how changing market conditions can alter the effectiveness of volume controls.The federal marketing order for California almonds includes provisions for market allocation and a reserve pool. At the beginning of each marketing season, the Almond Board of California recommends to the Secretary of Agriculture a maximum annual quantity to be sold in domestic and export markets and the quantity that cannot be sold . The reserve may be designated as either unallocated or allocated reserve. The unallocated reserve is essentially forced storage; nuts can be released from the unallocated reserve as the season progresses or carried over to the following season. The allocated reserve must be utilized in noncompetitive outlets such as almond butter, almond oil, airline samples, or cattle feed. The reserve provision of the almond marketing order was used to encourage export sales through 1972, while maintaining higher prices in the domestic market than in the export market. This price discrimination ended when export markets became an important outlet for California almonds , with price elasticities tending to equalize between domestic and export markets. Recent work indicates that the price elasticity of demand for almonds is now more elastic in the domestic market than in major export markets, leading to the result that short-run revenue maximization through price discrimination could involve restricting sales to export markets . Recent models of acreage response to changing returns indicate that U.S. and Spanish producers each increase production when returns appear favorable . Thus, if the Almond Board were to use the reserve to practice price discrimination and raise world almond prices, increased prices would stimulate production in Spain as well as the United States. As a consequence of these various considerations the almond industry has not implemented volume controls for the past several years. All existing federal marketing orders for California fruits, vegetables, and nuts include provisions for grades and minimum quality standards. However, only ten of the California State marketing programs include quality standards and inspection provisions, and just seven actively use the provisions. Given typical seasonal price relationships for fresh fruit, with high early-season prices, there are strong incentives to ship fruit as early as possible, even though it may not be fully matured. Most consumers are unable to judge the maturity of fruit from appearance and may find that fruit that “looks good” does not “taste good.” The result is an adverse selection problem.

Sellers are aware of the product’s characteristics, but buyers are unaware. In these settings, low-quality products can drive high-quality products from the marketplace. Indeed,fodder growing system representatives of many commodity groups believe that shipments of immature fruit have a negative impact on total sales, because consumers may delay repeat purchases after being dissatisfied with their original purchases. Maturity standards based on sugar content, firmness, and color are used by several marketing orders to determine when fruit is mature enough to be shipped. Minimum quality standards may: increase the retail demand for a product, resulting in higher prices and/or increased sales; reduce marketing margins, with benefits accruing to both producers and consumers; and reduce supply, which with inelastic demand can increase total revenue to producers. Any effective minimum quality standard will restrict the quantity of commodity marketed, but supply control is not the usual focus of such standards. Federal marketing order regulations on grade, size, quality or maturity also applies to imports of the same commodities from other countries during the period the marketing order is in effect. The use of some minimum quality standards has been controversial. Concerns include charges that quality standards are a hidden form of supply control, that quality standards waste edible fruit with the primary impact being on the poorest consumers, and that quality standards are sometimes not equitable because of regional variations in production conditions. While empirical analyses of the economic impact of minimum standards of grade, size, and maturity for California commodities are limited, those available indicate that it is probably relatively small .The purpose of commodity group expenditures on generic advertising and promotion is to increase the demand for the commodity so that more commodity can be sold for the same price, or the same amount can be sold for a higher price. The rationale for mandatory support by all producers is based on the distribution of documented program benefits and the “free-rider problem.” 5 Research completed and underway documents significant increases in product demand as a result of commodity advertising and promotion programs, with net monetary benefits to producers being much greater than costs. For example, Alston et al. estimated that the elasticity of demand with respect to promotion for California table grapes was 0.16.

Using this promotion coefficient, they estimated that the promotional activities of the Table Grape Commission had increased per capita consumption by about 1.5 pounds over that which would have existed in the absence of a promotional program. This increase was about one-third of recent total per capita consumption. The benefits to producers were very high in both the short- and long-run. The short-run marginal benefit-cost ratio was estimated at over 80:1—for every $1 spent on the program, the industry gained net benefits of $80. When producer supply response was factored into the analysis, the benefit-cost ratios decreased. Using a supply elasticity of 5, the average benefit-cost ratio was about 10:1 and the marginal benefit-cost ratio was about 5:1. Studies of the estimated returns from advertising and promotion programs for other California commodities include avocados , prunes , almonds , eggs , raisins , and walnuts . Each of these studies found that advertising and promotion increased the demand for the product and that program returns exceeded costs by a significant margin. The U.S. government has funded agricultural commodity groups, as well as private firms, to conduct promotional programs in export markets. The Market Access Program and its predecessor programs, the Market Promotion Program, and the Targeted Export Assistance Program, have provided matching funds for the promotion of a number of California commodities. Federal allocations of funds to 15 commodity boards, commissions, and other groups promoting only California fruits, nuts, and vegetables totaled $18.67 million in fiscal year 2002. These funds accounted for 18.7 percent of $100 million awarded to all organizations. Organizations that promote products produced in other states as well as California also received large allocations. California organizations receiving 2002 awards greater than $1 million included Blue Diamond Growers/Almond Board of California, California Prune Board, California Table Grape Commission, California Walnut Commission, Raisin Administrative Committee, Sunkist Growers, Inc., and Wine Institute.Research and development provisions are included in most of the California marketing programs. In 1992, there were 28 programs with research expenditures totaling almost$8.5 million . This increased to 38 California programs with a total 2002/03 or 2003/04 budget of $20.2 million. The largest research budgets were for citrus , rice , market milk , almonds , avocados , fresh strawberries , and walnuts . Overall, research expenditures increased from about 7.5 percent of total 1992 commodity group expenditures to just over 10 percent of 2003 expenditures. In terms of the total farm level value of production, research budgets averaged just over 0.1 percent of the 2001 value of covered commodities. Summary statistics on the economic impacts of commodity group research expenditures are limited, but those available indicate attractive rates of return. Most of the research funded by commodity groups operating under state marketing orders and commissions is done at the University of California. A study valuing California agricultural research concluded that the average annual internal rate of return for public investment in California agricultural research and extension for 1949-85 was about 20 percent . Consider, for example, the case of strawberries. California has become the world’s pre-eminent strawberry producer, now accounting for about 80 percent of U.S. fresh and processed production.

California’s agriculture is also a source of demand for both annual and perennial plants and trees, e.g., vegetable transplants, strawberry plants, seeds of all kinds, root stock for trees, and young nursery stock for new plantings and replacements of vines, tree fruits, and nuts. The types of firms producing nursery products vary widely, including extensive field operations, outdoor nurseries, and intensive greenhouse operations.Consumer demand for lettuce is relatively inelastic, and prices vary widely for this perishable commodity depending on acreage and weather-dependent supply conditions. Large grower-shippers operate in the several production areas in California and Arizona, moving with the seasons. The nation’s “salad bowl” is the Salinas Valley in Monterey County, where lettuce is harvested from April through early November. Other coastal areas produce during the same period. The Imperial Valley and other desert areas ship from early December until mid-March. Production on the west side of the San Joaquin Valley fills the market niches between the two major production areas. Field packing, vacuum cooling, and refrigerated transportation are key components requiring coordination for moving lettuce from the field to the consumer with minimal post-harvest loss in quality. Development of value-added pre-package salad greens has reduced shipments of “Iceberg” head lettuce and effectively increased the demand for other greens, including romaine and leaf lettuce.Almost all breeds of beef cattle are raised in California. The dairy sector also contributes a significant quantity of steers, culled cows,hydroponic nft and bulls as animals marketed for beef. Cattle and calves were California’s #1 agricultural commodity until 1980, when the number one position was taken by milk and cream. Later, grapes and nursery products moved ahead of cattle and calves.

Lettuce became the fourth most important crop in 2000. Cattle and calves are now California’s #5 agricultural commodity. More than two-thirds of the state’s land area is essentially non-tillable because of steep slopes or poor soils. These areas are typically used as rangeland for cattle. In addition, cattle are raised an irrigated pasture lands in the foothill areas and on marginal agricultural lands in the Central Valley. The cattle feeding industry is located primarily in the Imperial and San Joaquin Valleys. Cattle are also shipped out of state to feed lots closer to midwest feed supplies. Climate, topography, and overall conditions vary widely within the state, as do the sizes and types of cattle operations. Some are purely cow-calf operations, while others buy and sell animals as stockers, replacements, or feeders to fit the carrying capacity of owned and leased lands. All areas present separate and distinct challenges to cattle production in terms of rainfall, temperature patterns, topography, breeding and calving conditions, transportation, marketing, urban development, and cattle rustling and vandalism.Hay as a commodity category includes alfalfa hay, grain hay, green chop, sudan hay, and wild hay, but alfalfa is by far the most important component, contributing about 85 percent of the value of all hay production. Alfalfa hay acreage in California has averaged about a million acres, but is influenced by profitability of alternative annual crops , trees, and vines. The demand for alfalfa hay is determined to a large part by the size of the state’s dairy herd, which consumes about 70 percent of the supply. Horses consume about 20 percent. Alfalfa hay is grown in every climatic zone of the state. Climate determines the number of cuttings of hay. In the low desert there are as many as eight to ten cuttings per year; in the cool northern intermountain region, farmers harvest only two to four cuttings a year. Most of the crop is not used on the farm where it is produced, but is usually baled and shipped to end users. Pellets and cubes are other forms for equines and export markets. Alfalfa, a perennial crop with a three- to five-year economic life, does best when planted on well drained, deep, medium-textured soils.

Because it is a highly water intensive crop, its production cost will be directly affected by higher water prices and pumping costs, reducing the long-term profitability of the crop in the state’s crop mix.Flowers and greens are sold in cut and in potted forms. The major areas of production are the coastal counties where the typical mild climate permits outdoor production and lower-cost greenhouse operations. The major production areas of cut flowers are in the counties surrounding San Francisco Bay, extending southwest to Salinas, and in the coastal regions of San Diego and Santa Barbara Counties. The marketing of cut flowers in California is extremely intricate and complex. Although air shipments are used for transcontinental deliveries, most cut flowers are now precooled and shipped by refrigerated trucks. Increased imports, particularly from Columbia and Mexico, are a concern to California greenhouse growers of the three main cut flowers—roses, chrysanthemums, and carnations. The three have historically accounted for as much as two-thirds of the annual income from cut flowers and cut greens. Potted plants, including the seasonal items—poinsettias, lilies and hydrangeas are favored as consumers bring flowers and greenery into residences and offices. There are now more than 250 species and varieties of foliage plants being offered for sale in the trade.About three-quarters of the California strawberry crop is sold fresh; the remainder is sold for processing. Production of California strawberries runs from mid-February through mid-November and occurs in several growing areas along the southern and central coast. Even though strawberry plants are perennials, growers replant annually to obtain maximum yields and the best quality of fruit. Development of new varieties from an industry-supported fruit breeding program at the University of California has been important to the growth of the California strawberry industry.In 1950, California production of 2 million tons of processing tomatoes accounted for only 36 percent of U.S. production. The combination of favorable climate, good soils, ample water, an excellent highway system, applied technology, and research and development has fostered the growth of the processing industry in California which now produces 9 to 10 million tons annually, and as much as 12.2 million tons in 1999. Prices have fallen, as has acreage, while the industry is undergoing structural changes and reduced profitability. Tomato production is specialized and capital-intensive. Processing has changed from consumer products produced at multi-product plants to now include single product production at specialized “industrial plants” where tomato paste product is packaged in aseptic plastic containers in boxes and drums and shipped throughout the year to end users. Paste is simply a commodity bought and further processed into final consumer products—catsup, sauces, soups, etc.

Processing tomatoes are produced from the Mexican border to the northern Sacramento Valley. Harvest begins in the desert valleys in mid-June and continues northward in the Central Valley through September. A late harvest ends in the southern coastal counties in November. All processing tomatoes are harvested mechanically.California agriculture is large, diverse, complex and dynamic. This chapter documents the industry and its relationship to the rest of the economy. It also provides an overview of unifying forces and trends. Our aim is to supply a convenient compilation of facts and figures from a variety of sources, and to help the reader interpret the wide array of data presented.2 California agriculture is far larger, measured by sales, than that of any other state. California agriculture produces more value than most countries and is larger than, for example, such major agricultural producers as Canada or Australia.California is part of the national and international agricultural markets. Californians consume food that is produced in the state, as well as food that is imported from other states and countries. Agriculture in California is the largest among the states, and produces a variety of animals and animal products, fruit, tree-nuts, vegetables, field crops,hydroponic channel and nursery and floriculture products. The Central Valley accounts for more than half of the State’s gross value of agricultural production.About 93 percent of California’s 101.5 million acres is in rural uses. This rural area is divided evenly between federal and non-federal ownership. The federal land mostly includes national forests, national parks and wildlife areas, and “other land,” such as marshes, open swamps, and bare rock deserts. Roughly 11 percent of the federal rural land is grassland pasture and range used for agriculture. Of California’s 53 million acres of non-federal land, about 80 percent is grassland pasture and range, forest land, and cropland. About 5.5 million acres of California’s non-federal land are defined by the Natural Resources Conservation Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture as “developed” for residential, industrial, and commercial use. However, the intensity of use varies widely, with much of this land relatively unpopulated. The California Department of Conservation Farmland Mapping and Monitoring Program defines 3.1 million acres of California’s non-federal land as “urban and built-up,” that is, land occupied by structures with a building density of at least one unit to one and one-half acres.

This suggests that roughly 2.4 million acres of “developed” land in the NRCS survey are still relatively rural, or not mapped by FMMP. In total, about 27.7 million acres, including 5 million acres of federal grazing land, are used for agriculture in California. More than half is pasture and range, about 39 percent is cropland, and the remainder is divided between woodland and other land.Conversion of agricultural land to urban uses continues to be a public policy issue in the United States and in California. In California between 1988 and 2000, according to the California Department of Conservation Farmland Mapping and Monitoring Program , about 549,000 acres were converted to urban and built-up uses. At these conversion rates, about 4.2 million acres would be converted in the next 100 years. Of the total acres converted from 1988-2000, 213,000 were formerly cropland and 100,000 were formerly grazing land. Another 235,000 acres were formerly “other land,” as classified by the FMMP. A significant portion of the “other land” was idled farmland previously removed from agricultural production in anticipation of development. This indicates that the figures for cropland and grazing land conversion may be understated. Farmland conversion is a topic of particular interest in the Central Valley, which has over half of the state’s agricultural land and 64 percent of the cropland. The Central Valley has had a lower proportion of its cropland and grazing land converted than the rest of the state. The Valley recorded 43 percent of statewide cropland conversion between 1988 and 2000. Similarly, the Central Valley grazing land, about 44 percent of the state total, contributed only 25 percent of the total grazing land conversions.Farmland conversion to urban uses is associated with population growth. California’s population increased by about 76 percent between 1970 and 2002, while the Central Valley’s population doubled. There is general agreement that state population growth will continue, but little consensus on precise projections of future growth rates. The Bureau of the Census estimates that the state population will be about 50 million by 2025.Nationwide, over the last half-century, the number of farms and the total land in farms have decreased, while the size of an average farm has increased. This trend has been less pronounced in California. While the average U.S. farm doubled in acreage between 1954 and 2002, the average California farm increased by about 13 percent. The official definition of a “farm” was changed in 1954, 1959, and 1974, to remove many of the smallest “farms” from census statistics. Each of these definitional changes decreased the reported number of farms and increased the average farm size. Since1974 a “farm” has been defined in the Census of Agriculture as a place that generates agricultural sales of at least $1,000 annually. Under the current Census of Agriculture definition, the average acreage of California farms decreased by 30 percent between 1974 and 2002. The 2002 Census introduced a new methodology for estimating total number of farms and operators’ demographics. The Census has been conducted via mail returns, and coverage has been always below 100 percent, especially among very small operations. The 2002 methodology accounts for all farms. In 2002, about 80 percent of California farms were less than 180 acres, yet the “average farm” size was 347 acres. These two statistics highlight the fact that a small percent of large farms account for a large percent of total acreage. These large farms include ranches that graze livestock and may generate relatively little total revenue.