The government was therefore able to go ahead with its eradication policy with few internal restrictions. Even so, the result was not very positive; the rise of the poppy emporium in Colombia amply demonstrated the limits of the government’s public anti-narcotics policy and the dramatic consequences of unremitting prohibition on the part of the United States. The Colombian government did not attack drug trafficking or narco-terrorism on the financial front. In accordance with the logic of the so-called economic liberalization fomented by the government in the early nineties, it made no sense to place restrictions and greater controls on the free movement of capital. In 1993, a report by the Vienna-based United Nations International Board on Fiscal Control of Narcotics recommended that “Colombian legislation consider the laundering of capital resources to be a crime and that banking laws should become stricter in order to allow for multilateral cooperation….”The alleged financing of the presidential election campaign with drug money formed the backdrop to the anti-narcotics policies of President Ernesto Samper’s administration . As months went by, the coercive diplomacy which the United States had hitherto been exerting on Colombia became transformed into “blackmail diplomacy.”The president’s capacity for political survival led him to “North Americanize” the fight against drug trafficking in Colombia; that is to say, the president accepted and implemented a strategy virtually imposed by the United States. The Samper government undertook an all-out chemical eradication campaign far beyond anything seen in the two preceding decades,macetas de plastico por mayor with massive use of glyphosate. Fumigators also employed imazapyr, a more powerful granulated herbicide, and were planning to use tebuthiouron, an even more devastating killer than the others.
Ernesto Samper also became the president who most helped criminalize the drug trade, while in Colombia it became almost impossible to discuss the subject of legalizing drugs, something Samper himself had suggested in the late seventies, given the failure of repressive measures taken at that time by the Turbay administration and fomented by the United States.In 1995, months before the infamous “Frechette Memorandum” began to circulate — a document which suggested that Colombia should adopt legislation and take drastic measures in the anti-drug war — President Samper had launched his “integral plan” announcing, amongst other things, the creation of Operación Resplandor designed to put a definite end to all illegal crops which existed in Colombia in the space of two years.”An all-out eradication policy had been set in place. In 1994 , 4.094 hectares of coca were eradicated. In 1995, the Samper administration eradicated 25,402 hectares; and in 1996, 9,711 hectares. In 1994, the Gaviria and Samper administrations had eradicated 5,314 hectares of poppies. In 1995, the Samper government eradicated 5,074 hectares; and in 1996, 6,044 hectares.Between the years 1995 and 1996, glyphosate was used on a massive scale to destroy illegal crops.Even so, the idea of putting an end once and for all to illegal crops proved again to be illusory. In 1996, the US government estimated that the number of hectares dedicated to the planting of coca in Colombia had reached 53,800 hectares, while independent estimates placed the figure at around 80,000 hectares.This meant that Colombia had surpassed Bolivia, a country which traditionally was second only to Peru as a coca producer in South America. The same official US source estimated that Colombia had 4.133 hectares of marijuana and that the country had produced 63 tons of heroin in 1996. However, Colombians had their greatest surprise of all in 1996 when small farmers from the south, especially from the Caquetá region, suddenly made their presence felt in mass demonstrations and protest marches. Nobody had expected this. It was as if the whole population had discovered overnight, and a little belatedly, that the country had ceased to be the processor of these stimulants and had transformed itself now into something else: a huge grower of illegal crops.
People also came to realize that the state simply did not operate at all in a large and strategic portion of the country’s territory, and that power, at the local level, was in the hands of insurgent groups, especially in those of the FARC . Colombians came to realize as well that violent measures alone were not going to solve the profound and intricate social, political and economic problems which had been incubating for decades in the nation’s geographic wilderness.In sum, fumigating with herbicides in southern Colombia in 1996 turned out to be as useless for dismantling the illegal business of drug dealing as had similar efforts in previous years. The difference was that, in 1996, paramilitary detachments were multiplying at a frightening rate in the south. The political blindness of people in government, police officers and the military, together with the administration’s obsequious submission to United States policies, led to a repeat, in 1997, of the indiscriminate fumigation with herbicides — on a huge scale with glyphosate, to a lesser extent with imazapyr. In 1997, Colombia sprayed 41,847 hectares of coca and 6,962 hectares of marijuana. Twenty-two hectares of coca were eradicated manually, as well as twenty-five hectares of poppies and 261 hectares of marijuana. In just over three years, the government had fumigated more than 100,000 hectares of illegal crops. But paradoxically that only went to prove, as never before, just how mistaken, harmful and counter-productive the chemical destruction of such crops could be; in 1998, almost 110,000 hectares of the national territory were dedicated to plantations of coca, marijuana and poppies. In that year, the Samper administration , and that of Andrés Pastrana , fumigated 66,083 hectares of coca and 2,931 of poppies, and manually destroyed 3,126 hectares of coca, 181 of poppies and 18 of marijuana.Nonetheless, according to the Central Intelligence Agency , the total area planted in coca in 1999 amounted to 120,000 hectares,and the US State Department declared that this had increased to 136,200 hectares in the year 2000. This means that in just four years, from 1996 to 2000, the surface planted in coca in Colombia has doubled; the total number of hectares went from 8,280 to 13,200. An increase in the fumigation of illegal crops has not resulted in a decrease in the area planted with illegal crops,rolling benches nor to a decrease in the production of illegal drugs.
To this evident failure one must add the fact that, on the US market, cocaine and heroin have become both cheaper and purer. It is worth noting, also, that something similar has occurred in Western Europe where, in 1999, a gram of cocaine was worth US$90, and a gram of heroin was fetching US$98. So, the rationale which attempts to justify a strong eradication policy in the centers of supply has proved to be way off the mark. It had been presumed that the massive destruction of illegal drugs where production and processing were taking place was going to lead to less availability of narcotics in the centers of demand, an increase in price for the ultimate consumer and a lowering of standards of purity in the stimulants themselves. Quite the opposite has happened; in the year 2000 one could procure in the United States more drugs of better quality than ever before, and at lower prices. Besides, in terms of illegal drug consumption and of drug-related crime, the United States record has not shown substantial improvement. In 1988 the number of occasional consumers of heroin was reckoned at 167,000; in 1995 it had reached 322,000; while the total number of heroin consumers worldwide went from 692,000 in 1992 to 810,000 in 1995. The overall demand for heroin was 1,800,000 grams per year in 1988, but by 1996 it had soared to 2,400,000.Despite certain laudable achievements in reducing drug consumption in the United States, it is evident that a strong demand still exists. In this context it is worth quoting Bruce Bagley: “Some 13 million US drug users spent approximately US$67 billion on illicit drugs in 1999, making the US market the most lucrative one in the world for Colombian traffickers.”Concomitantly, in 1990 the total number of arrests in the area of drug-related law infringements was 1,089,500, whereas in 1996 the figure had risen to 1,128,647. In 1990, 53 percent of prisoners in federal jails were serving sentences for narcotic-related crimes; in 1995 the statistic had risen to 59.9 percent.Finally, the environmental cost to Colombia of chemical eradication has not been sufficiently studied and quantified. However, it is estimated that “for every hectare of poppies sown, an average of 2.5 hectares of woodlands are destroyed; in the case of coca plantations the ratio is 1 to 4, and for marijuana it is 1 to 1.5.”However the negative effects of herbicide fumigation have not been assessed in this process of forest destruction. What we do know is that the mere fact of fumigation forces the growers to move elsewhere in order to plant their illegal crops, and that entails necessarily a further environmental disaster.Despite the fact that organizations such as Greenpeace, the Worldwide Fund for Nature and Dow Agrosciences are opposed to the use of this herbicide, the United States authorities have insisted that it is quite harmless.
They have gone even further; during the Pastrana administration especially, they have been putting pressure on Bogotá to apply a dangerous fungus, fusarium oxysporum, in the process of obligatory eradication. Nonetheless, after almost four years in government, the Pastrana administration has not taken the risk of rethinking the procedure of chemical eradication. On the contrary, since coming to power in August 1998, Pastrana has persisted in an unquestioning policy of intensive fumigation. He has gone even further than his predecessors, in that he accepted the setting up of an Anti-narcotics Battalion within Colombia’s armed forces, in accordance with the wishes of the United States as expressed over the past few years. In 1999, this special unit of 1,200 men under the command of the Colombian army but monitored by “Washington’s magnifying glass,” replaced the anti-narcotics unit of the police force in the most critical of tasks, namely those to do with illegal crops.In 2001, as the so-called “Plan Colombia” went into operation — insofar as it touched on aspects of security and the anti narcotic policy of the United States — three battalions of the Colombian army were charged with combating illegal drugs. In short, there has been nothing new as far as eradication is concerned. Rather things have gone on as usual, in the hope that Colombia’s armed forces, by playing a definitive role in the fight against drugs, will somehow turn things around and produce a fundamental change in favor of the government and of the United States. The risk that Colombia is taking by continuing to obsessively and obsequiously spray crops is an enormous one. By insisting on this unfortunate and counter-productive measure, the government is committing a serious political error and is leading the country to the brink of a catastrophe which will affect both the population and the country’s ecology, but will not effectively help to overcome the drug problem. Chemical eradication has already produced multiple negative effects: for a start, it has contributed to greater devastation of the environment; it has led, also, to an even closer marriage between drug traffickers and paramilitaries and, at the same time, has encouraged guerrilla fronts to depend more than ever on income from the drug trade; it has served to increase corruption at different levels of society; without achieving any positive results, it has involved the government unnecessarily, in some of the most violent aspects of the drug war; it has exposed some of the weakest and most vulnerable members of Colombia’s society — peasants, Indians, poor farmers, and others — to greater threats, often forcing them to migrate and leaving them totally unprotected; and finally it has helped to further stigmatize Colombia in the eyes of the world, despite the fact that no other country has sprayed crops with herbicides to nearly the same extent. Nonetheless, it would seem that nothing is going to change in this regard; the year 2002 will probably see more futile fumigations. To sum up: notwithstanding the intense war being waged to combat it, the drug trade will continue to prosper.